f';iistEllantoo.
THE RECONSTRUCTION COMMITTEE'S
REPORT.
The loyal majority of the Reconstruction
Committee presented their final report to
Congress on the Bth of June. We are sure
our readers will be glad to see its principal
portions in these columns. The whole
subject is comprehensively treated in this
document and the country wid here see
most clea y stated and vindicated its own
firm purpose to conserve the precious results
of the recent extraordinary struggle.
The Committee begin by reviewing the
circumstances which led to their appoint-
went in December. Referring to the policy
up to that time pursued by the President
toward the rebel States, they say, that in
stead of summoning Congress to his aid in
the work of reconstruction, he proceeded, by
virtue of his power as commander-in-chief,
to appoint Provisional Governors in the
revolted States. These were regularly
commissioned, and their compensation was
paid, as the Secretary of War stated, "from
the appropriation for army contingencies,
because the duties performed by the parties
were regarded of a temporary character,
auxiliary to the withdrawal of the military
force, the disbandment of armies, and
the reduction of military expenditure by
provisional organization for the protection
of civil rights, the preservation of peace,
and to take the place of armed force in the
respective States." It cannot, we think,
he contended that these Governors possess
ed, or would exercise any but military au
thority. Neither had the President or
Commander-in-Chief any other than military
authority. It was for him to decide hop far
he would exercise it, when, how far he
would relax it, when and on what terms he
would withdraw it. In the language of
the Secretary of State in his telegram to
the Provisional Governor of Georgia, dated
October 28, 1865, he might "recognize
the people of any State as having resumed
the relations of loyalty to the Union," and
act, in his military capacity, on this hypo
thesis. All this was within his own dis-
cretion as military commander. But it was,
not for him to decide upon the nature or
effect of any system of government which
the people of these States might see fit to
adopt. This power is lodged by the Con
stitution in the Congress of the United
States, that branch of the Government in
which is vested the authority to fix the.
political relations of the States to the Union
and to protect each and all of them against
foreign or domestic violence, and against
each other. We cannot, therefore, regard
the various acts of the President in relation
to the formation of local governments in
the insurrectionary States and the condi
tions imposed' by him upon their action, in
any other light than as intimations to the
people that, as Commander.in-Chief of the
army, he would consent to withdraw military
rule just in proportion as they should by
their acts manifest a disposition to preserve
order among themselves, establish govern
ments denoting loyalty to the Union, and
exhibit a settled determination to return to,
their allegiance, leaving with the law
making power to fix the terms of their
final restoration to all their rights and pri
vileges as States of the Union. That' this
is the view of his power taken by the Pre
sident, is evident from expressions' to that
effect in the communications of the Secre
tary of State to the various. Provisional
Governors and the repeated declarations of
the President himself. Any other suppo
sition, inconsistent with thig, would impute
to the President designs or encroachment
upon a co-ordinate branch of the Govern
ment, which should not be lightly,attrib 2
uted to the Chief Magistrate (Oho nation.
When Congress assembled in Deoember
last, 'the people of most of the States lately
in rebellion had; under the advice of the
President, organized local governments,
and some of them had acceded to the terms
proposed by him. In his annual message
he stated, in general terms, what had been
done, but lie did not see fit to communicate
the details for the information of Congress.
While in this and in a subiequent message,
the President urged the speedy.restoration
of these States, and expressed the opinion
that their condition was such as to justify
their restoration, yet it is quite obvious
that Congress must either have anted blindly
on that opinion of the President, or pro
ceeded to obtain the information requisite
for intelligent action on the subject. The
impropriety of proceeding wholly on the
judgment of any one man, however exalted
his station, in a matter involving the wel
fare of the Republic in all future time, or
of adopting any plan, coming from any
source, without fully' understanding all its
bearings, and comprehending itsfull effect,
NM apparent. The first step, - therefore,
was to obtain the required information. A
call was accordingly made on the President
for the information in his possession as.to
what bad been done, in order that Congress
might judge for, itself, as to the growls of
the belief expreesed by him, in the fitness
of the States recently in rebellion, to yarti
dpate fully in the oonduet of National
affairs. This information was not imihedi
ately communicated. When the response
was finally made, some six weeks after yell*,
Committee had been in actual session, it
was found that the evidence upon which
he President had based his suggestions
as incomplete and unsatisfactory. Au
hentioated copies of the new constitutions
d orAinances adopted by the conventions
f three of the States had been submitted,
xtracts from newspapers furnished scanty
nformation as to the action of one other
tate, and nothing appears to have been
ommunioated as to the remainder. There
as no evidence of the loyalty of those who
ad participated in these conventions, and
n one State alone was any proposition
ade to submit the action of the eonven
ions to the final judgment of the people.
The Committee then refer to the addi
'onal fact, that martial law was continued
d the habeas corpus act had not been
estored by the President in these States,
additional reason for declining the
gent recommendations of his message
his oonclusion derived still wester force,
om the fact, undisputed, that m,ell,these
tea, except Tennessee and perhaps Ar-
kansas, the elections which were held for
State officers and members of Congress had
resulted almost universally in the defeat of
candidates who had been true to the Union,
and in the election of notorious and unpar
doned rebels, some who could not take the
prescribed oath of office, and who made no
secret of their hostility to the Government
and people of the United States. Under
these circumstances, anything like hasty
action would have been as dangerous as it
was obviously unwise. It appeared to your
Committee that but one course remained,
viz., to investigate thoroughly and carefully
the state of feeling existing among the
people of these States, to ascertain how far
their pretended loyalty could be relied
upon, and thence to infer whether it would
be safe to admit them at once to a full par-
icipation in the Government they had
fought for four years to destroy
THE QUESTION OF READMISSION.
A claim for the immediate admission of
Senators and Representatives from the so
called Confederate States has been urged,
which seems to your Committee not to be
founded either in reason or in Jaw, and
which cannot be passed without comment
Stated in a few words it amounts to this
that, inasmuch as the lately insurgent
States had no legal right to separate them
selves from the Union, they still retain
their position as States, and, consequently,
the people thereof have a right to immedi
ate representation in Congress, without the
imposition of any conditions whatever;
and, further, that, until such admission,
Congress has no right to tax them for the
support of the Government. It has even
been contended that, until such admission,
all legislation affecting their interests is, if
not unconstitutional, at least unjustifiable
and oppressive.
It is believed by your COmmittee that all
'these propositions are not, only wholly un
tenable, but, if admitted, would tend to the
destruction of the Governinent It
cannot, we think, be denied b an T one
having a tolerable acquaintance 'With public'
laws, that the war thus waged was a civil
war of' the greatest magnitude. The people",
waging it were necessarily :subject to all
the rules which, by the law of nations,
control a contest of that character, and to
all the legitimate consequences following
it. One of these consequences, was that
. within the limits prescribed ;,by humanity,
the oonquered rebels were at the , mercy of
the conquerors.
,That a Goiernment thus
outraged had a most perfect right to exact
indemnity for the injuries done and secur
ity against the recurrence of Such outrages
in the future, would 'seem too 'clear for
dispute. 'What proof should' be required
of a return to allegiance, what time should
elapse before a people thus demoraliked
should be restored in full to the enjoyment
of political rights and privileges, are ques
tions for the law-making power to decide,
and that decision involves grave considera
tions of the public safety and the general
welfare.
It is, moreover, contended, and with ap
parent gravity, that from the peculiar na
ture and character of our Government, no
such right on thc part of the conquefer
can exist; that . from the moment when
rebellion lays down its arms and actual
hostilities cease, all political, rights of re-
bellioi communities are at once restored;
that
,because the people of a State of the
Union were once an organized comm'unity,
within the Union, they necessarily so re,-
main, and their rights to be'represented
Congress at any and all times, and to par
tioipate in the government of the'country
under all circumstances, admit of neither'
quiestion nor - dispute. If this A is indeed
true, then itrthe Government of the United.
States povierless for its own proteotion, and
flagrant rebellion carried to the extreme of
civil war is
,a pastime which,any State may
play at, hot only certain that it, can lose
nothing in, my event, but may ever lae the
gainer by defeat. If it fails, the war has
been barren of results and the battle may,
be still fought out in the legislative halls
of the country. treason, defeated 'in the
field, has only to take possession of Con
gress and the Cabinet.
Your Committee does not deem it either
necessary or proper to discuss the question
whether the late Confederate, ,States are
still States of this Union, or can ever be
otherwise. Granting this profitless ab-,
straction about which so many words have
been wasted, it by no means follows that
the people of these States may not place
themselves in a condition to abrogate the
power's and privileges incident to a State of
the Union, and deprive themselves of all
pretense of - right to exercise those powers
and enjoy those privileges. A State within
the Union has obligations to discharge as
a member of the Union. It must submit
to federal laws and uphold federal author
ity. It must have a government in form,
under, and by which it is connected with
the General Government, and through
which it can discharge its obligations. It ,
is more than idle, it is a mockery, to con
tend' that a people who have throWn off
their allegiance, destroyed the local - gov
ernment which- bound their States to the
Union as members thereof, dEfied its ait
thority, refused to execute its laws, and'
abrogated all thatgave them political rights'
within the Union, still retain, through all,
the perfect and entire right to resume at
their own will and,pleasare all their privi
leges,
in l the Upion, and especially to ptuti 7 ,
oipate in itssovernment and to control the
conduct of its affairs. To admit such' a
principle for One moment would be te'de
' dare that treason is always master, and
loyalty a blunder. Such a principle is void
by its very; nature and essence, because in
consistent with the theory of government,
and fatal to its very existence. On the
contrary, we assert that no portion of the
people of this country, either in. State or
Territory, have the right, while remaining
on its soil, to withdraw from or reject the
authority of the United States. They
must acknowledge its juriedietion. They
have no right to secede, and while they
can destroy their State' governments and
place themselves beyond the pale of the
Union, so far as the exercise of Stateprivi
reges is , concerned, they , cannot escape the
obligatiOns imposed upon them by 'the
Constitution and laws, nor impair the exer
exer-
cise of National.au tho rity.
Upon the claim that
they ososnot law
fully be taxed without representationi-the
report saya:—,
THE AM JOAN PROATTERIAN. TH-MSDAY. JUNE gs, BS&
The people of the District of Columbia
and of all the Territories are taxed, al
though not represented in Congress. If
it is true that the people of the States, or
the people of the so-called Confederate
States, had no right to throw off the au- ,
thority of the United States, it is equally
true that they are bound at all times to
share the burdens of government. They
cannot either legally or equitably refuse to
bear their just proportion of these burdens
by voluntarily abdicating their rights and
privileges as States of the Union, and re
fusing to be represented in the councils of
the Nation, much less by rebellion against
National authority and levying war. To
hold that, by so doing, they could escape
taxation, would be to offer a premium for
insurrection—to reward instead of punish
ing treason. To hold that, as soon as gov
ernment is restored to'its full authority, it
can be allowed no = time to—secure itself
against similar wrongs in the future, or must
omit the ordinary exercise of its ;constitu
tional power to compel equal contribution
from all toward the.expenses of government,
would be unreasonable, in itself and unjust
to the Nation. 'it is sufficient to reply that
the loss of representation by the people of
the 'insurrectionary States was their own
voluntary choice. 'They might abandon
their privileges, but they mild not escape
their obligations. And surely they have
no right to complain if, before resuming
those privileges, and while the people of
the United States are devising measures
for the public safety, rendered necessary.
by the act of those who thus disfranc,hised
themselves, they are compelled to contrib
ute their just portion of the general burden
of taxation incurred by their wickedness
and folly.
THE , FREEDMEN-APPORTIONMENTS
,
Your Committee came to the considera
tion of the subject referred to. them with
the most anxious desire 'to ascertain what
was the condition of the people of the
States recently in insurreetion, and what, if
anything, waslieoessary to be" done before
restoring them to the full enjoyment.of all
their original privileges. ft was undenia
ble that the war into which they lad
plunged the country had_ naturally, ,changed ,
their relations to the loyal people of the
lciyal States. Slavery has been abolished
by Constitutional amendment. • A large
propertion of the population 'had . become,
instead of mere chattels, free men and
citizens. Through' all the struggle,
those had remained true and loyal, and
had in large numbers fought on' the
side of Union. 'lt was impossible to
abandon them, without securing them
their rights as. men and citizens. - The
whole civilized world would have cried out
against such base ingratitude and the bare
idea, is offensive to all right-thinking men.
'Hence it became important to inquire what
could be done to_ secure their rights, civil
and political It was evident to'your Com
mittee that adequate t
sccuriY could only be
. . ,
found in-appropriate provisions of the Con
stitution. Representation is baied - on . the
whole number of - free persensin each State
and three-fifths of all other 'persons. .AS a
consequence the effect of the rebellion
would be to increase the political potver of
the insurrectionary States whenever , they
should be allowed to resume their positions
'as States of the Union. It di
,not seem s
just or_proper that all the politioal edvan
toes derived from their `becoming free,
should b he confined to their foiiner masters,
who had fought against the"Vnion;and
withheld from themselves, who hid' alWaYs
been loyal. Slavery, by building'' up a
ruling and 'dominant class, had produced
a spirit of oligarchy, adverse to Repulw
limn, institutions, which finally. inaugu
rated, civil war. It ; ; was doubtful,, I in:
the opinion of your, Committee, whether,
the States would consent to surrender ; ,a:
power they, had alivays exercised, and ;tO
which tley were attracted. As
. the best,'
if not the only, method of surmounting 'he
difficulty, and eminently just and Propein
itself,- your Committee Caine' to the co li- I
sion that political power cliould be'po 'ii
ess
ed in all the Stites exactly in proporti 'LI a 6
the right of suffrage should be 'granted,
without distinction of color or race.:, /This,
it' was thought, would leave the, #vhole
question 'with the people of each /State,
holding out to all the advantage (of in
creased political power as an indueensient
to allow all to participate in its'exerease.
1 ACTUAL CONDITION OF THE REBEL STATES.
[From this point we give the report en
tire.]
Your Committee have been unable to
find in the evidence submitted to Congress
by the President, under • date -of March 6,
1866, in compliance with the resolutions
of January 5 and February 27, 1866, any
satisfactory proof qui either of the insur
rectionary States except, perhaps, the State
of Tennessee, has placed itself in
_a condi
tion to resume its political relations tiithe
Union : the first step toward that end would
necessarily be the establiShment of a repuh
Roan form of government by tiii• people.
It has been before remarked that the,Pro- ,
visional,Governors appointed by the Presi- ,
dent in the exercise of his military author,
ity, could do nothing by virtue of the power
thus conferred toward the estahlishinent of
a State government. They were acting
under the War Department, and paid' out,
of its funds. -. They were simply bridging
over the chasm betuiden rebellion arid' rea 7
toration, and yet we find them' galling non
ventione and benveninglegielatures. Not
only this, but.we find the conventions and
legislatures ~ thus convened _acting under,
executive directions as to .the provisiqns
required to be adopted in their constitutions -
and ordinances, as conditiOns.precedpiit to
their recognition by the Preeident. The
indticements held out by the President for
compliance with the conditions imposed
were directed in one instance—and pre
sumably, therefore, in others—to the
admission of Senators and Repre
sentatives to 'Congress.' The character-of
the conventions - and legislatures thus as
sembled was not such as to inspire confi
dence in the good, faith of their members.
Gov. Perry , of South Carolina Aiesolved the
convention assembled , in .that State before
the suggestion had*reached Columbia honk
Washington that the rebel war debt shetild
heL,TePndiated, and gave - as his reason , that
it w as a "revolutionary body." There' is
no evidence of • the hitiity disloyalty
T , c" .ll 3leulbe r g ''time : and
legislatures, except the fact of pardons
being asked for on their account. Some
of these States now claiming representation
refused to adopt the conditions imposed.
No trustworthy information is found in
thesepapers as to the constitutional provi
sionsof several of these States, while in
not one of them is there the slightest
evidence to show that those "amended
c o n stitutions," as they are called, have ever
been submitted to the people for their
adoption. In North Carolina alone an
ordinance was passed to that effect, but it
does not appear to have been acted on. Not
one of them, therefore, has been ratified.
Whether, with President Johnson, we
adopt the theory that the old constitutions
were abrogated and destroyed, and the
people "deprived of civil government.," or
whether we adopt the alternative doctrine
that they were only suspended, and were
revived by the suppression of the rebellion,
the new provisions must be- considered as
equally destitute of validity before adoption
by the people. If the conventions were
called for the sole purpose of, putting the
State Governments into operation, they
had not power either to adopt a, new con
stitution or, to amend an old one without
the consent'of the people. Nor could either
a convention or a legililature change the
fundamental law without power previously
conferred. In the view of your Committee,
it follows, therefore, that• the people of a
State where the constitution has thus been
amended might feel themselves justified in
repudiating altogether such unauthorized
,assumptions of power, and might be expect
ed to do so at pleasure.
STATE GOVERNMENTS IRREGULARLY OR-
GANIZED
So far as the disposition of the people of
the insurrectionary , States, and the proba
bility of adopting , measures conforming to
the changed- condition of affairs, can be
inferred from the papers submitted by the
President as the basis of this action, the
prospects are far from encouraging. It
appears quite , clear that the anti Slavery
amendments both to the. State and Federal
Constitutions were adoPted with reluctance
by the bodies which did adopt them, while
in some States they have either been palsied
by in silence or rejected. The language of
all the provisions or ordinances of those
States amount to nothing more than an
unwilling admission of an unwelcome truth.
As to the ordinance of secession, it is in
some oases declared "null and, void," and
in others simply "repealed;" and in no
instance is a refutation of this deadly
heresy considered worthy 'a place in the
new Constitution. •
If, as the President aesumes, these insur
rectionary States were, at the close of the
war ' wholly without'State government, it
would seem that before being admitted in
the direction of public affairs, such govern
ments.should be regularly organized. Long
usage,has established, and numerous tatat
utes have pointed out the , mode in which
this shonld be done. A convention to form
nc
a gover, ent should be assembled under
compete t authority. Ordinarily,' this au
thority e Emotes from Congreas; but, under
peculiar ircumstances, your Cominittee is
not dispo ed to criticise the President's
action in Qsuming the power exercised by
him-in thi regard. The convention, when
assembled, hould frame a constitution of
government, which should bnsubmitted to
the people- for adoption. If adopted, a
Legislature •should be convened to pass the
laws : necessary to carry ; it into effect. When,
a State, thus organized claims representa
tion in Congress, the electiOn of representa
tives' ahonld 'be provided for by laW, in
accordance with the laws'of Congress regu
lating 'representation, and' the proof that
the action taken' has been• in'conformity to
few should be submitted to Congress.
In no case have these' essential jsrelimi
naries been:taken. The conventions as
sembled seem to have assumed that the
Coostitution,:which, had. been repudiated
and oveithroirn, was still in existenee, and
operative to constitute the States members
of the Union, and to have contented them
selves: with euoh amendments as..they were
informed were requisite , in order to insure
Awn an immediate return to a participa
tion' in the Government of the United
'State's. Not waiting to ascertain whether
•Ilie people dins ripresented would adopt
even the proposed amendments, they at
Once ordered elections of Representatives
to Congress, in nearly all instances before
an Executive had been chosen to issue
write of election under the State laws, and
such elections as were held were , ordered
by the conventions. In one instance} at
least, the write of eleiition were signed by
the Provisional Governor. Glaring. irre
-
'gitlarities and unwarrantable assumptions
otpower are Manifest in several cases,
particularly in South Carolina, when the:
convention, although disbanded by the.
Provisional Governor on the ground that it
was a revolutionary body, assumed to re
district the,State.
It is quite evident from all these facts,
and 'indeed, frOm the whole Mass of testi
mony submitted 'by the Piesident - to the
Senate, thit; in no instance, was" ` ' regard
piiid to any other - Consideration than obtain:
lug- immediate ad hission to. Oongreas 'under'.
the barren form of an election, in which
no precautions: were, taken • to'secnre regu
laity of proneedings,:or the assent of the!,
PiPPle•
No constitution has been legally adopted,
except ? perhaps, by . the State of Tennessee,
and such elections as have been held were
without authority , of law. Your Cominittee
ar ( naciardingly'forced to the cenclutdon that
'the . - States referred to have' not placed
'themselves in . condition to claim represen
•tion in Congress, unless all the lules which
.have since the foundation of the Govern
ment been deemed. essential in such cases
should be. disregarded.
It would, undoubtedly, be competent for
Congress to waive 411 formalities, and to
admit the Confederate States to represen
tation at once, trusting that time and ex
perience would set all things right.
Whether it would be advisable to do so,
however, must depend on other considera
tions, of which it remains to treat. But it
may well be observed that the inducements
BALLARD'S
Taw NATIONAL SHOE STORE.
' • -;,4ol,pinot
to such a step should be of the very highest
character. It seems not unreasonable to
your Committee to require satisfactory evi
dence that the ordinances and constitutional
provisions which the President deemed
essential in the first instance will be per
manently adhered to by the people of the
States seeking restoration, after being ad
mitted to full participation of the Govern
ment, and will not be repudiated when
that object shall have been accomplished.
And here the burden of proof rests upon
the late insurg ents, who are seeking res
storation to th rights and privileges which
they willingly abandoned, and not upon the
people of the United States, who have
never undertaken, directly or indirectly, to
deprive them thereof. It should appear
affirmatively that they are prepared and
disposed in good faith to accept the results
of the war, to abandon their hostility to
the Government, and to live in peace and
unity with the people of the loyal States,
extending to all elasses equal rights and
privileges, and conforming to the republi
can idea of liberty and equality. They
,shonld exhibit in their acts something more
than an unwilling submission—a feeling, if
not cheerful, certainly not offensive and
defiant; and they should evince an utter
repudiation of- all hostility to the General
Government, by an acceptance of such just
and reasonable conditions as that govern
ment should think the public safety de
mands. Has this been done? Let us
look at the facts shown by the evideuen
taked by the Committee.
(To be Concluded.)
4tia thartitatino.
PRESBYTERIAN
PUBLICATION• COMMITTEE
No. 1334 CEICEST4Mr. STREET,
PH~s~~#'sl~.
BOWEN'S DAILY MEDITATIONS.
12m0., 429 pp. $1 75. Tinted paper, gilt edges, $250.
The - author, Rev. George Bowen, grew up in New
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"He became one of the most earnest and aingle
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LEAVES OF WONSOLATION.
Selected and edited by Mrs. H. Dwight Williams.
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vol'u'me s2..
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To many sorrowing souls thiamin be a precious balm.
—Presbyterian Banner, Pitt' sour'.
SOCIAL HYMN :AND TUNE BOOK,
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DUTCH TILES; Or,
Loving Words about the Saviour.
18m0.,171 pp.,19 original illustrations. 90 omits
®HAT TO DO.
For 'the tittle Peaks.
18m0..113 pp.. 6 originalillustrations. 60 ciente-
BLACK STEVE; Or,
The Strange Warning.
18mo., 83 pp.. 2 original illnatrationa. 40 cents.
•
MIFF, AND OrIIEB TALES.
18raci.4 84-pp., 3 illustratiOn&-•40 cleat'.
W. H. FULTON,
C'ARPFNIER AND BUILDER
No. 40 6011TH
MideDAXI, No. 1532 Vine gtieq,.
ESTATES
Calpentekipg - 114 General
• Executed Primapitlky._ 1017-Sm
S' P. E'
..0.3.4-C:L.-. S-:;
./1/111/.\..x;/.1 . 44 .1
lannhotnror of Gold, SUverri Nick& aid Steel Soso-
Wales,' Eye Glasses, he., has neatly, sfarnished a room
in connection with the factory, for. RETAIL PUR
POSES, wherespectacleis of every `desoriptiarrmaY be
obtained, - seenrately adjusted to the requirements of
vision on. STRICTL'ir OPTICAL SC MTGE.
Bales room and faotor3'.
No. 248 NORTH' EIGHTH Sireet, Seecond
Floor.
TURNER HAMILTON ,
8.00% B.Z.AVDE.R.
BOOR, STATIONARY, 8L PERIODICAL STORE,
A_SO3m - Nr3T_A - sr
Temkin Street Below Chesteint.
BALLARD'S
37_ NORTH . .-EIGHTH SPAT, .
NEAR RIDDER.T:
Okrk
:;;i,sttliantouo.
RESTORE YOUR SIGHT!
USE
DR. J. STEPHENS' ,t CO.'S PAT ENT
CORNEA RESTORERS,
OR RESTORERS OF THE EYESIGHT.
They will Restore Impaired Sight, and Preserve it to
the Latest Period of Life.
SPECTACLES RENDERED USELESS.
The most eminent Physicians. Oculists, Divines.
and the most prominent men of our °wintry, recom
mend theme of the CORNEA RESTORERS for Pres
byopia. or Far or Long-Sightedness, or every person
who wears speotacles from old age; Dimness of
Vi s i on , or Blurring; Overworked l• yes ; thenopia,
or weak Byes: Bpiphora, or Watery Eycs; Pain in
the Eyeball: Amaurosis or Obscurity of Vision;
Photophobia, or Intolerance of Light; Weakness
of toe Retina and Optic Nerve; Myodesopia or
Specks or Moving Bodies before , the Eyes; Ophthal
mia, or Inflammation of the Eye or Eyelids, and
Imperfect Vision from the effects of Inflammation.
.ko.; Cataract Eyes; II einiopia, or Partial Blindness;
Sinking of the Eyeball, &o.
They can he used by any one with a certainty of sue
class, and without the least fear of injury to the eye.
More than 5000 certificates of cures are exhibited at
our office. Cure guaranteed in every ease when applied
according to the directions inclosed in each box, or
the money will be refunded. Write for a circular—
sent gratis. Address
DR. J. STEPHENS & CO., Oculists,
(P. O. Box 926
'For sale at RUSHTON'S Family Drug Store, N 0. .)
10
Astor House, corner of Barclay Street and Broadway,
New York.
Sir DR. J. STEPHENS .4 CO. have invented and
Patented a MYOPIA or CORNEA FLAT ENKE, for
the cure of NEAR—SIGHTEDNESS. which has proved
a great success. Write tor a oirculer. 1018-1 y
LAW, COMMERCI&I, INSURANCE,
FANCY PRINTER,
STEAM .I="owrt.
l INIPROVED BRONZING MACHINES,
ORIGINAL STYLES OF
COLOR PRINTING,
CHAGRINED BUSINESS CARDS,
Wedding and Visiting Cards Similar to
&graved Plate.
Business Envelopes`with Card, $2 50 per
Thousand.
Having furnished a Largo Room in
Sansom Street Hall,
with the latest Improved Machinw and New Type.
am enabled to execute the Finest Class of Printing,
OFFICE, FIRST FLOOR.
rg•- --ip! '''7l7-:t'''''
ii - ', 4 17 . 1
_...eb FOR ThE A4l illi Al
Egan the Testimony of a row or the many Eminent
Clergymen and their Families of New 'York City.
who, having used the Bozodont fora long time past,
are convinced of its excellent and invaluable quali
ties, give it their cordial commendation:—
Rev. THOMAS DEWITT, /Pallor Collegial*
Ref. Dutch Church. Lafayette Place.
Rev. I. W. ALEXANDER, D.D., Presbyth.
rian Chureh, Filth Avenue.
Rev. Jr. B. WAKELMF, D.D., M. E. City MO.
sionary.
Rev. W. F. MORGAN, D.D., Rector St.
Thomas' Church, Broadway.
Rev. E. It„ CHAPIN, D.D., Potstyr Fourth
truirersalist Church, Broad way.
Rev. SAMUEL CIOOKE,D.D., Rector St. Baer
• tholeenew's Church, Lafayette Platte.
Rev.SABIIIEL OSGOOlND.D.,PastorCloureh
of Messiah, Broadway.
Rev. B. M. ADAMS. N. E. Church Duluth
Street.
Rev. HEMAN BANGS, late Pastor Cente
narryy X. E. Church. Brookniy.
Rev. W.S.MIKELS, Pastor Baptist Church.
Sixteenth Street.
Rev. GEORGE POTTS D.D.. Pastor Preaby.
Jerkin Church, Un iversity Plate.
Rev. E. E. RANKIN, Pastor Presbyterian
Church, Forty.second'Street.
Rev. T. N. VERMILTE, D.D. Pastor of Col.
Dutch Reformed, Fafayette Place.
PROW 0. F. J. COLRIJRN, DOCTOR DENTAL SURGIRT,
NEWARK. N. J.
Thejiopular Dentifrice known as VAN BUSKIRK'S
" SOZ DONT." besides` being a very pleasant addi
tibn to the toilet. contains ingredients that if used
according to the directions, will prove of the greatest
utility to the health of the mouth and teeth.
Mir BEWARE OF IMITATIONS I -OR
Sold by all Druggists and Perfumers
HALL & RIICKHL,
NEW CROP
TURNIP SEEDS.
Earl White Plat Dutch Strap-leaved.
Purple TOP Plat Strap-leaved.
Purple Top Buts Bags or Swedish.
Yellow Buts Bags or Swedish.
All grown from Selected and Transplanted Roots.
Pride 804:tents per pound. 10 cents per ounce.
Mailed withont additional charge.
HENRY A. CHEER.
dO4B-tf "Headman and Florist.
714 CHESTNUT Street,.Philadelphia.
TRUSSES.
TO avoid all cloth, leatber, and rag-covered Elba
Truants, with their parboiling, blistenng, rusting am*
breakincso. to
J. B. SEELEY'S
" Her& Rubber Truss" Establishment,
1347 CHESTNUT Street.
Where you will find the cleanest, lightest. erairst,
best and only TRUSS KNOWN, that will never met,
timber, break•or soil; used in bathing, fitted to form.
regninng no strap, and made of any power zeguiroi.
Constantly owhand, a large'assortment of Suppor
ters, Shoulder Braces, Silk Kinetic Stookings. Elospes
aions,:Urinals, &c.
Lady in attendance. Pamphlet free. 1048-3 m
THOMAS RAWLINGS, JR.,
HOUSE AND SIGN
PAINTER,
Broad and Spring Garden Streets.
• - BALLARD'S
FINEST FRENCH AND AMERICAN
' BOOTS, SHOES AND SLIPPERS.
EVERY PAIR WARILiNTED.
'ONH <PRIOR
NEW YOBIL