The press. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1857-1880, October 27, 1864, Image 1

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THURSDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1864.
THE ARMY ON .TAMES RIYER.
The Keliel Hums Hred on by onr Batte
ries nml Driven to Shelter—Reported
Inability of the Rams to Compete with
our Monitors—Mitcliel, the Irish Re
fugee, Commodore of the Rebel Fleet-
Review of the Colored Troops—Hen.
Butler’s Order on the Death of liir
' ney. :
CSpocial Correspondence of The Press.!
HEADQUARTERS 30 DIVISION,
18th Abmt Costs, Before Richmond,
October 23,1884.
The dull and rumbling sound of Union artillery
rolled this morning along the banks of the James
with serious intent; After an almost unbroken
quiet of three weeks, our forts on the left of the
line opened fire upon the rebel rams, which did
credit io the experience of our gunners. In seve
ral instances the shots struck the iron clad ram
Virginia, the commodore-ship, and were seen to
glance off with a perpendicular tendency. She
fired one shot rather wildly, however, and then
dropped down the stream a few rods, where the
Richmond and the Fredericksburg anchored under
a bank, which only exposed a small part of-their
smoke stacks. From this position they could not
fire a shot at our batteries, and they remained
there until the forts ceased, when, availing them
selves of the cessation, they .airsteamed towards
Richmond.
Of this affair there are all kinds of rumors and
impressions afloat, circulated in some instances by
these who witnessed it, whoso wishes so powerfully
quickened their imaginations as to believe 7 that
some one of the rebel wooden gunboats received
twenty shots, while the smoke stack of the Virginia
was perforated by a shell. That one of the rams
was struck is certain ; but whether any serious in
jury was inflicted upon her, or any other of the
crafts, is, by no means, satisfactorily ascertained.
During the shelling I passed under both our own
and the rebel fire, and had a fine opportunity of wit
nessing the perfection of our gunners. The enemy’s
redoubts on the opposite bank of the James opened
very heavy' pieces with very bad aim, while our
shots, nearly all of them, threw the dust around
them high In the air, doing, as it is fair to presume,
material damage. The conduct of the rams and
gunboats in steaming up the river, frightened off by
thirty-pound Parrots, is a confession of their weak
ness, and corroborates the opinion, which I have
long entertained, that they are in the James rather
as a big scare than a means of defence. ; That they
should quietly remain at anchor within musket
range, and permit the lengthening and strengthen
ing of our left, while redoubts during the night
would spring up on the most commanding
elevations, until they reached the outer picket
line, is an evidence that they hesitate to provoke,
a fire with our batteries. Coupling this -with their
first crowding under a high bank for protection, and
subsequently running up the river from the position
where they have been anchoring for the last three
weeks, la a very strong case against the impenetra
bility of these rams, and a frank confession of either
their weakness or the cowardice of their officers.'
In this connection I will add tlao informationdrom
a deserter ol fee Virginia, that it is understood on
hoard of the fleet, that should our monitors goupthe
James river, they, conscious of their inability to
engage them, are to run up under the guns of Fort
Darling, or such other place of security as will pro
tect them from the fifteen-inch shot which they be
lieve constitute a part of the armament of our iron
clads, Whether there;are such pieces on hoard or
not, is of no Importance in this connection, as the
rebs believe there are, and that answers every pur
pose. On this point, the enemy’s fleet In the-James
has had its fears greatly excited, and judgment has
long since passed on board of its inability-to stop
the progress of our navy, should It be dlfposedjio go
up the James river, which is not at all unlikely.
It may not be generally known that-John JjK;
Mitchel, the Irish refugee, is the commodore of the
rebel fleet in the James river. So I have been •posi
tively assured by a deserter from It. The many de
sertions from it has put him in a very had humor,
in which he indulges in brutal curses, declaring
that there are so many traitors that he found it diffi
cult to trust any one. The four wooden gunboats
carry two guns each, while the three iron-clads
mount four each, making, in all, twenty guns,
; which this renegade is attempting to direct. against
the nation which offered him an asylum of liberty.
He will probably be returned to the old country as
a vagrant some of these days, where, In undergoing ,
punishment for his crimes, ho will have full time, to
reflect over his treachery to liberty and humanity.
Yesterday and the day before there was a review
of >the 3d (colored) division, 18th Corps, by brigades-
Oh Friday morning, the 20thinstant, the Isfcbrigade,
temporarily under the command of Col. Kadoo, and
in the afternoon the 2d, under Col. A. G. Draper,
were reviewed by Col. John'Holman, commanding
the division. Gn yesterday, the 3d brigade, under
Col. Ames, and the Ist ana 2d regiments of colored
cavalry, dismounted, excepting twocompanies, were
reviewed by the same officer and his dashing staff.
The whole affair passed off very creditably to offi
cers and men. There was not much of the ornamen
tal about the brigades, but their usefulness was
stamped in unwavering resolution upon every
countenance along the lines. The marching was
excellent, and, in fact, every thing connected wife it
was highly satisfactory. The commanders of these
brigades deserve great credit for bringing their
troops to so high a state of efficiency as has-been
evinced in whatever sphere they have been called
upon to act. Many of their colors gave evidences of
having passed through, the fiery ordeal of battles.
The flags of the 6th D. S, C. T, are in mere strips,
and form a glorious record of this brave regiment.
In this review, in the 36th Regiment there were
but three white officers present, the companies being
commanded by the colored sergeants. The same
may he said of the 38th. There Is no lack of qualifi
cation in these sergeants to command their compa
nies; in fact, many of them are’'superior in drill to
sbmeofthebfflcers who are sent here to command
"them.' .. .. v
Lieut. J. B. McMurdy, who hails from Kentucky,
occupying a nondescript position on the staff of the
commander of this division, was sent off last night
in disgraoe to report to General Butler, by Col.
Holman, for unwarrantable treatment to a colored
sergeant, detailed at these headquarters, and disre
spectful conduct to his superiors. ~ The undignified
character and swaggering bearing of the lieutenant,
with other traits which need not be mentioned,
wholly disqualify him to command colored troops or;
to be brought into association with fee gentlemanly
officers upon Col. Holman’s staff. To the judgment
of General Butler I commit him, with the remark
that he will give him the lull measure of justice.
To the high Credit of Colonel Holman, it must he’
said that no one in this division, so long as he com
mands it, will be permitted to abuse any man,
whether he be white or black. His impartiality is
well known and highly Appreciated, and has made
him the idol of his command.
General Butler’s retaliatory measures, in.placing
rebel prisoners to work upon the canal, which is
continually under fire, at Dutch Gap, as an offset to
the rebels forcing our colored soldiers to work on
their fortifications, have had the desired effect. The
colored troops have been relieved from suoh labor,:
with the assurance that they are to be treated as
prisoners of war, and. the rebels have been released
from their uncomfortable position at Dutch Gap,
IVhile under fire they all wanted fo take the oath of
allegiance, to which, of course, no attention was
paid, and since their release but few have availed
themselves of that privilege, the most of them pre
ferring to fight it out a little longer. IIOLLIK.
The following order was Issued by Gen. Butler
on the death of the gallant Gen. Blmey:
Headquarters, Department Virginia and
, . North Carolina, Army op the .James,
In the Field, Oct. 21, 1884,— General Orders, No..
135.—Soldiers of the army of the James : with
deep grief from the heart, the sad word must be
said—Major General David B. Birney is dead, :
But y esterday he was with us, leading: you to vic
tory. :If the choice of the manner of death had been
his, it would have been to have died on the field of
battle as your cheers rang In his ear. But the
All-Vfise “ determlnethall things well.”
General Birney died at his home in Philadelphia,
on Tuesday last, of disease contracted on the field in
the line, of his duty.
Surrounded hyall that.makes life desirable-a
happy home-endeared family relations—leaving
affluence and ease—as a volunteer at the call of his
country—he came Into the service In April, 1881.-
Almost every battle-field whereon the Army of the
Potomac has fought .has witnessed his valor.
Rising rapidly in his profession, no more deserved
appointment has been made by the President' than
Gen. Birney >s assignment to the command of the
10th Army Corps. The respect and love of the sol
diers ol his own corps has been shownbythe manner
they followed him.
The Patriot—The Hero— The Soldier, By
no death has the country sustained a greater loss.
Although not bred to arms he has shown every
soldierly quality and Illustrated that profession of
his love and choice.
It is not the purpose of this order—nor will tho
woe of the heart of the officer giving, It, nor per
mit.him to write General Bimey’g Eulogy.
Yet even amid the din of arms—and upon the
eve oj bailie, It Is fit that we, his comrades, should
pause, a moment to draw from tho example of his
liie the lesson It teaches.
him the word duty.—with all ils obligations
end incentives—was the spur of, aetion. He had no
enemies save the enemies of his country—a friend:
a brother to ns all—lt remains to us to see lo R
treading the path ol duty as ho has done—thatthe
Viral subject tor which he has struggled with us and
profitS e “ BlJa,I llot fail «*» b 5 de2th a bo
fc’ W.DIER3 07 THE 10TH ARM Y CORPS : :
tho loss of your brave
-SJi&pafcUy of,every; soldier in
’ !15 be yours to show your reaneot to
a switWm? K?4 orT ! nß 50ur country in the future
*L ha - S serve<l it in the past.
By command ot Major General Butler:
< hp. w. Smith, Asst. AOjt, General.
the recent artillery duel with THE RE#BI.
NAVY—RET PUN t[, s* QUIETUDE. - %
(Special Correspondence of The Press.]
. , Before Richmond, October iM, IBfH.
Since my despatoh.of yesterday, informing you of
our opening fire upon the rebel navy In the James,
and its inglorious retreat up the river, nothing has
occurred to disturb the monotony or camp life. The
rams came down the river last night, picketing,
probably, but steamed up again this morning,
having abandoned, )! would seem, the anchorage
which they have been using for some time. . -
•I have only heard- of one casualty in the affair,
which occurred to an artilleryman who was riding
across'a farm immediately opposite Oox’s Ferry.
His horse was killed by a shell, a piece of which
severed one of his legs. I regret to say that when
Dr, L; Alton, surgeon of-the fth Unlfod States
PHILADELPHIA, THTTKSIMY, OCTOBER 27, 1804.
Colored Troops, was requested to dress the wounded
man’s limb, he refused, on the plea that he had his
k orning sick list to attend to. The most charitable
view to take of this officer’s conduct, under the cir
cumstances, is probably his innate consciousness of
inability to dress such a wound. Charges will be
preferred against him, and Butler, the Just, will
have an opportunity of passing judgment upon his
conduct: ' V , ,
There has .been a little excitement around these
headquarters for the past few days, growing out of
the fact that three sutlers—Henry B. Walker, of
the 86th; H. P. Ellas, of. the sth; and Frank
Stevens, of the 38th U. S. U. T.—have had their
establishments closed up by Col. Draper, ooinm&nder
of the 30th Brigade, with three days allowed to re
move their effects beyond the brigade limits, and
ten to gather themselves out of the department.
The immediate cause for expelling these gentlemen
was their repeated violation of express orders In
practising a system of uniform extortion upon the
soldiers. Sutlers in the brigade are permitted to
charge fifty per cent, over and above the cost of their
goods, .which Col; Draper deems sufficient profit ; but
as these went beyond that figure, he dismissed them
without ceremony. Elias .acted In the capacity, of
purveyor for these headquarters, but as he only had
one establishment, he, after, making a desperate, ef
fort to remain, by going to the; higher-authorities,
was obliged to share the fate of his comrades in mis
demeanor. This act of Col. Draper to protect the
soldiers of his command from the avaricious ness of
adventurers Is another evidence of his untiring zeal
in everything that pertains to their welfare. By
such acts the men are satisfied that, so far as he is
concerned, every consideration due to them by the
regulations shall be faithfully adhered to.
Lieutenant Colonel B. F. Pratt, commanding the
36th 11. S. C. T„ is now confined in the hospital at
Point of Bocks, with strong Indications of having a
serious attack of camp fever. The illness of this
brave officer aoes not cause him half as much regret
as being absent his command at the present
crisis. The regiment is now commanded by Major
W. Iff. Hart, recently promoted from a captaincy,
for meritorious conduct: Both of these gentlemen
are good officers, and are eminently popular with
the men. - '
Captain Rich, Ist U. S. C. T.; has been promoted
to the lieutenant colonelcy of his regiment for gal
lant conduct in front of Petersburg. The. opinion
of the “ Ist,” on this promotion, was best expressed
in the purchase of a sword and riding equipments to
he presented to him. ’ Whatever may be said of
colored troops, one thing is certain, that they never
forget kindness, nor let a favorable opportunity
pass without expressing in some degree their grate
ful recollections of considerate treatment.
Kolltn.
RETURN OP GENERAL WARREN TO HIS COMMAND—
TEE REBEL OPPIOEBS AND PICKET SHOOTING—
SUPERNUMERARIES IN THB'AKMY.
CSpecial Correspondence of The Press. J
Bjjforb Pjst£3sbobg, Oetoker 24,1884.
j The chaplains at last have been favored with a
Sabbatli after their own hearts. Wot a rude sword
disturbed the unusual calm settled over: a hundred
camps, from which upon less auspicious Sundays
there was always arising a busy hum of prepare
tion or recreation. Divine services were held In the
various regiments, and for once religion got the
better of politics. - .
Genera] Warren has returned, and assumed com
mand of the sth Corps. General Crawford, who
acted as commander during the absence of the corps
commander proper, has resumed command of all
his-division. Immediately after arriving, General
Warren rode along the line, inspecting the fortifi
cations with the critical eye of an engineer. Not a
shot was exchanged, during Sunday. Even when
the bright stars came twinkling. out, one by one,
into their accustomed places In the blue firmament,
not a picket discharged his piece. Paroiftothe
right heavy guns were fired' at long intervals, and
from Dutch Gap the sonorous booming was heard
along the entire front, growing weaker, and fainter,
and deeper as it followed the crooked line of works,
till It crumbled Into a thousand faint murmurs, and
could scarcely be heard by those west of the
Weldon road. Il ls welt known how averse the
rebel officers are to- any comity among pickets.
Their Instructions have Invariably been to never
neglect shooting a Yankee when offered an opportu
nity. The Kichmond editors think these lucid in
tervals among skirmishers “ unwarllko and ridicu
lous.” They also are opposed to sparing a thSn,
Of late the rebels hold themselves aloof from all in
tercourse with our soldiers on guard. Suspected
men underwent strict surveillance, and every con
ceivable precaution is taken to-prevent desertions.
Several attempts were made from our.side to ex
change papers, but they were firm in resisting any
overtures which might lead- to intimacy. They
never adopt a new course- of behavior, unless cir
cumstances compel the alteration. In this instance
I am at a loss what reason to ascribe for the change
In their manners. Longstreet'probably received a
division or two from our front to enable him to stop
«• Sheridan’s crowing.” He : met with poor success,
and the secret of his withdrawing men from this lo
calityhas transpired. :
Arrangements are being, made- to weed out the
supernumeraries in this-army—those who have no
care on their minds, nor conquests- to make. The
object is to make them responsible for a musket and
sixty rounds of cartridges, which they will be ex-,
peeted to use the first chance. It is astonishing
how many men are absent from their regiments on
detached service. They would almost make/a di
vision if gathered together. K. H. J.lcß.
Union Prisoners at
LETTIfiR FROM AN IMPRISONED, .OFFICER—DREAD
fu£ sufferings of our men in the south—
THE EFFECT OF THE SHEDDING- CHARLESTON
—THE YELLOW FRYEB.-
;Special Correspondence of The Press. 3
Before Petersburg, Octobea‘ 24,
Not often do I give way to a lugubrious humor.
An army correspondent-has no business to be lacka
daisical in style, however- sad or sullen he may feel.
So many stories of suffering among our prisoners,
languishing, inrebel prison pens, have been pub.
lished, that I dislike to trouble your readers with a
fresh story of misery and torture and death. All
Of these accounts are gathered by syllables, as they
fall from the lips of the narrator,.; who has turn- '
ed from the filffiy, ,gloomy, eage-, of confinement to
freedom and friends.. Tha past is so painful, they
dislike to resound every pang of agony endured,
and perhaps, in the plenitude of their happiness,
forget and forgive, i Lieutenant : Burnham has
received a long letter, from a field officer now in
duress at Charleston, South Carolina, and under
fire of .our guns. It was written in the early part of
this month, arid Smuggled through by an exchanged
prisoner. This explains the language, All letters
must be Inspected before they are permitted to be
carried to their address. Heretofore six linek was
the full extent allowed any correspondence. I pre
sume it has not since been changed, The appear
ance here of a letter written - within a rebel prison
whereinevery wofdbespeaks theVriter’s wrongs, and
gains him sympathy and credence, is so remarkable ■:
that bherewith furnish a brief extract. : I must be
: excused - from revealing any name, for the corre
spondent is now numbered among the sufferers’ who
still languish in ; pris6h, and, as the lawyers say,
“ yet languishing doth live:”
“ The prisoners at Andersonville have been dis
tributed among the .chief cities and strong places of
the Confederacy. Over five thousand have been
brought here. A lieutenant coming from that place
had been confined with the men as a sergeant. He
told me over eight thousand died, out of less than
thirty-five thousand, during the months of .Tuiy and
August. It is his opinion, or that of your humble
servant, that there will not be one-fourth of
those exchanged who will ever be able again
to take the field as able bodied soldiers. Num
bers of them wander about the camps, raving
.maniacs. The Sisters of Charity, who often pall
In ..to. see us, said they visited the men as soon as
they arrived here, and that the great majority were
unable to walk or talk. Not a few were entirely
naked. Some had the scurvy so bad that whole
hundreds of maggots could be scraped from under
their arm-pits and from their thighs. They had had
it so long and wero so weak they were: unable to
help themselves. The descriptions T have heard
from several Tellable sources ate more horrible than
one could Imagine, All description is beggared.
Surely those who have caused all this suffering will
be dealt with according to theirdeserts—by the Hod
over all the ruler of the just and unjust. The suffer
ings of the officers are bad, and hard to be endured,
butthatoi the men exceed theirs somuohl have
no heart to complain of ours. I was glad the Sisters
of Charity and other kind-hearted ladles of Charles
, ton have supplied our naked men with clothing. . •
‘■About-the {shelling: General Foster keeps up a
. continual shelling of the city. He has"just"opened
a new battery, in which they,say is a 200-pound
Parrott gun, and this morning’s papers state it did
considerable : damage, killing and wounding quite a
number. Before they have not admitted the loss of
; over pne or two a day, and they were generally said
to he colored people. This looks ominous. We can
. see the fuse shells distinctly at' night. It is beauti
ful to watch them from the time they rise above the
horizon on the' one side’.till .they rush among the.
buildings or explode, or bursting high in the-air,
send thelri fragments down oh friend and foe. The
fragment of one passed through the roof and into
the room direetly oyer the one T occupy, lc struck
a bench on which were, sitting some officers, split
ting it from end to end, and then rolled off on'to
the floor, alter wounding Lieutenant —— in the
arm.: What fortunate men! I understand the firing
is done from Morris Island. *
11 Yellow fever liaa been itrevalent in the city, but
is now ‘played out.’, An officer died at the F. P.
H. of it a few days ago. Another died this morning.
Some say yellow fever was the. cause, but I do not.
We have all the liquor we can drink for $95 per gal
lon, or $2 per drink ?’ ‘
How tenderly, how compassionately we care for
’ the prisoners wild fall Into our hands by the fortunes
of war ! .There may be some hollow-eyed, sunken
cheeked, emaciated ones among them, but I have
noticed scores of .sleek, fat-faced rebels lounging
about hospitals In Baltimore and other cities, who
apparently suffered ' from nothing but ennui;
They have comfortable and commodious quarters,
end are well fed; onr men huddle together' In the ‘
- prison yards, and their food is only fit for swine.
-They are healthy, rosy, robust; BoanUfully-Worked ‘
slippers encase their feet, and they loll’about In'
dressing-gowns of gay and.many. colors. ' Oar poor
Mluws are weak, the flesh gnaw,ed from their bones
by scurvy, their feet'bllstered'and bare, thelr ganntu
bony, ulcerated frames, fluttering in rags, o r oom- -
pletely exposed to every element. Who would be<a
friend to the perpetrators • of; snoh barbarities In
flicted upon afflicted helpless human naturol: wiio .
that learns these auffereral story.can plead aught in,
extenuation of rebels, and call thc enamy <‘ nils-' '
guided brethren ?’’ would owe ’allegiance' to’
the cause allowing BuolP atrocities, or bo liegeman
to the ruler requlrlng’suoh inhumanity to man to
satiate his vengeance orflueWfl W? fisapotlsm.
I' 'a, H. MCB.
EMOP HON. B. J. WALKER,
- IN TA'VOR OF THIS
RE*E&EOTION OF., ABRAHAJxL I*INOOEN\
•.The succession of days and ygars and centuries is
noted in calendars; but ifc la great events, constituting
historical epochs, that marlc tlie'p'rogfsss aad destiny of
our race, ;Decimve battles, vast reforms, civil or reli
gious, great scientific discoveries or mechanical inven
tions, dyuaitic changes,politicalrevolntionh r the union
or dismemberment of States, the birih or death of Re
publics, the rise or fall'of Empires--these are [the deep
notches in thegropye of" time, the mighty landmarks
in the pathway of humanity.. it is the fate of the Ame
ricsnUnion, involving the liberty of our county and
mankind,’that is to be decided Umour approaching'-Pre
sideniial election. How PaJtryjwe allparty
in tbp presence of • an Issue To transcendent av this*
How dare we mingle old, party names; or confl’icts-with
such a question, when 3 the life of the Union is trembling
In the balance! The maintenance,, of.theJJnion is tha
one majefitic question,"and the Vriiorv party t in name,
and in fact, is theonly one that should exias, until this ;
great issue is deoided. when the Union is rescued
from present and future peril, we may exhume the past,
use old party names, or discuss old party issues,' but
untihtlien to unfold, a party banner, and-revive old
party, prejudices, is tieason.to’our country and mankind,
ft is; noc Democrats alone,- or. Republicans alone; ?
as separate parties maishalled gainst each other,: that
can Save the Uaion. -During this struggle the
Union, we do not hear ;of'Democratic or Republican ;
admirals or or regiments ; no, we
have oßly OL© treat Union army; discarding all party
names or symbols, and fighting only for and under the
banner or the Umom It is then a grave objection to the .
Chicago* McClellan Convention, that, in such a crisis as
this, it summoned only a Democratic Convention,.and
appealed only, to, the Democraiic vsirty to save -the
Government. As well might w : e summon only, a Demo*
cratic army io fight the battles of our country, as con
duct; such an election as • thisnnder- any 0.-d party
name and Danner. Thousands of Republican! as well
as Democrats, together under the banner of the Union,
fivhtinowthepattiss of. : their country; > Thousands of •
RephbHcan-as well as .Democratic soldiers sleep in their
bloody shrouds, or lie wounded on beds of agony ; but
who dare asi to what party they belonged ? It waV an
unholy ambition, stimulated by-party; leaders, a thirst
for office ahdjemolumehts, that rallied under an old
party name at Chicago, when the whole people should
naveibeen summoned to the rescue,
And wbo met in council at Chicago,?. Was it the
frieuasof the Union? No,-lit was Democrats, as- they
called themselves,-: whether unionists or disunioniets.
Avowed disnnionists constituted a large anti influential
portion of the Convention {profaning the name of Demo-'
orate) that met .together at' Chicago. Who were Yal
landigham,: and Harris, and Long, and man? other of
their compeers, who not only met together at. Chicago.-
hut some of whom were received with shouts of ap
plause, and resolutions moved by some of them-unani
mously adopted? It, was a meeting of loyal rush and
disloj at peace and war men, unionists and dtsunion
ists. : Every diennioniat is.a traitor. -Heiß for the over- :
throw of tiie Eepnhlie; upon the demand of rebels in
arms;againet the Government; Every peace man now
on the Chicago McClellan platform iSa disunionist and
a traitor, because he khows.ln his inmost soul,, that no
peace can he obtained but upon the ultimatum of Jeffer
son Davis, now -offlcially-proclaimed by him through
the Secretary of State to foreign .Governments, name
ly, the severance of the Union, and the' establish-'
meat. throughout; the•: South .or a’ separate' slave
holding empire. Most of, these peace men- openly
avow their disunion doctrines, while others at
tempt to * conceal their -treason, under the trans
parent mask ‘of an “armistice," “a cessation
of hostilities; ’:’, anff an ultimate convention;of the
States, ithominionsly declaring, at the same time,' by
their platform resolutions at Chicago, that to suppress
the re.tHjllios.bE w&tTuis'prnve'd a failure. - .What truly
loyal-man, by voting for thstr candidates, will endorse
at the poll* such a platform as this ? - rt is a surrender
o' our country’s honor; ttls a capitulation,'upon the
demand of Scutbern traitorv whose hindsare dfioplng
with the warm life-blood ot onr sons and broth era; and 1
who now boldly and defiantly pledge themselves to
foreign Governments, as thev ai »ayo cad declared tj
us, that they will have no peace unless based upon dis
union. Did a Democratic Convention ever before re
ceive avowed dnuniomsts and traitors among its num
h, r ? Did it- ever before fcrail in the dust the'glorious'
flag of out country ? DM It ever agree before that our
flag should be torn down from half the States and ter
ritory of the/Union, and replaced byaforeismstandard;
having Upon:- it put one emblazonry—the di v-inily and :
perpetuity.of slavery ? Andishali we treat with the Con
federate authorities on tnis basis'? 'Mo While we will
gladly treat with States aid hebcle ctesirina to 'return
to the Uh-foa,-.with;:Jeiierson; Davis and. hts Cabinet,
brandishing over onr. heads the two-edged sword of
slavery end disunion, we will, ia the emphatic words
of Geneial Jackson-, '‘negotiate only from the mouths
of onr cannon. ’ , .
- General Jackson was; in truth, the father and founder:
of the Democratic party, - Prior to his first nomination
mIS23, in the election of Jefferson, .Madison, and Mon
roe,- the parties were known as Federal and Republi
can. In the .fall, of .18231 united with, a few friends in
calling, at .Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, the first Dmno
eratie meeting, by which. General Jackson.was nomi-:.
Rated as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency of
the United States. 1 offered the resolutions in his favor
adopted .by that meeting, calling the Democratic State
Convention of Pennsylvania which confirmed that no
mination in March, 1824, ;I attended that--Convention,',
as a delegate^from,Pittsburg, and wrote.the.address
of the Convention to the Democracy of the State and of •
the Union on that momentous occasion. I supported
Ceneral Jackson.for the Presidency in 1823, my first
vote, .854, 1828, and 1832, and uniformly adhered to the
Democratic party until after the rebellion of ISSI.
During the. great nullification and' secession question;
oi South Carolina, on the first Monday of January, 1833,.
at : Natchez, Mississippi, I made the opening, speech,
chep published, against nullification and tecession, in
favor of * uar t ” ■'if necessary to: maintain the Union—
m favor of * * coercion , 77 ; to put= downrebsllion in any
State.; The Legi.dam.re of. Mississippi endorsed that
speech, ana parsed resolutions declaring nullification
a oa secession to be treason, and, upon. that issuei!
was elected by the Legislature,.to the Sehate of tbe
United States. , If Mississippi,, under th 8 inSnence of-
Jefferson Davis, add' other traitor ' leaders, has since
that period abandoned those principles, she cannot ax-:
pect me to follow her, and thereby surrender opinions
which I • have;uniformly maintained and »advocated
throughout my: life, but more especially from 1833
until the present period, 1 Mississippi—whose prosperity -
I would restcre by bringing her back to the Union—an
ooreed those opinions when she elected me to the Senate
of the united States over an avowed and distinguished
Secessionist (George Poindexter); alter a contest of un
exampled-, violence, personal and political, extending
Lorn Januar3:,4S33,‘to January, 183&. - - ——*
was on ccasion';that r General Jackson wrote -
his celebrated letter in favor of my election and sus
taining my political course. It was after the adoption
of the secession ordinance ;by Carolina that General
Jackson sent our war vessels 1 to * Charleston! to hold and
blockade the harbor, and our troops, under the illus
trious Scott, to maintain, by force, irnecesaary, the
authority ; of the Federal Government, over the forts
: commanding the . city .of Charleston. . Let ns .suppose
that the rebels had then shot down our flag, captured
our torts, made war upon the Union,.and proceeded to!
dissolve it by fore*'—let us supposeHhafc'a committee '
from any convention had f then dared to nominate him-»
for the Pie&ideney upon such a platform as that adopted
at Chicago; proposing. an armistice and cessation of
hostilities until a National Convention could beassem- -
blec, accompanied by the declaration that the rebellion
could not be crushed, by war, who doubts what would
have been the course bf that devoted patriot ? - He would *
have stamped the .disgraceful and treasonable resolu
tions under his feet,‘and indignantly scouted the tral- -
fcorswho offered them. And now this McClellan Con
vention at Chicago professes to represent the Democratic -
party. As Jefferson wasthe founder of the Republican
party, Jackson was the father of the Democratic party.
Now, with perhaps one exception, is ihere a single »
member of that Convention (assuming the name of * * De
mocratic’’-) that (like myself) supported General Jack
eon -in 1823,1824,1828, and 1832, anduaiformly adhered
to Uie Democratic party until after the rebellion of 1861? v
. what, right had that Convention to assume the name
of Democracy, while trampling upon the advice of .the ,
founder of the party, and all its great andvital princi
ples? How dare they offer an ” armistice” and * l the
cessation of ho3?ilitias : ’ to rebels in arms agaiost their <•
country, especially when the so- called: rebel Govern
ment had again and again declared that they would
negotiate .upon.no.terms except the acknowledgment
of their independence, and the definitive dissolution of'
the Union: cut, above all, how dare they, record .the *
disgraceful and treasonable falsehood, that the war to
suppress the rebellion had failed, 1 and ask the- freemen •
cl America to endorse at the polls such a declaration ?
.And has, indeed, all the blood of patriots Shed in de—
.fence of the Union in this war/been poured out-in.
vain*? Ye patriot soldiers! now in the field, say, are
you.unable or unwilling to suppress the rebellion?'
Say ifnotvonly- m words,;but answer the foul acccsa
tionby your votes in ihe approaching Presidential
elections -r ; ■
■ Ihe ciuoaKO McClellan Convention says that.the war
is a failure,_and that, therefore, there must be an Ar
mistice and a cessation of hostilities.. Will nofyottr
answer at the Mils be this? * Tt is a foul and treasona
ble falsehood. ’ ■ * .
And Is this war for-the Union indeed a failure? • Let
our many and well-fought battles upon the ocean and
the land answer the question. Let a country nearly as ,
large as-half of Europe, taken from the rebels since the
war commenced, respond. Let Shiloh, and Donald
son, and Gettysburg, and Ticks burg, and Port Hudson,.
and flew Orleans,-and the Mississippi from its source -
to its mouth, answer. Why, this wretched calmu-tty.
-had scarcely beeauttered by the McClellan Convention.
when Sherman, the great commander* and his ariaj,
■had washed out the accusation in fbe hlooa of the yau
quished ata_ unioldett our banner at Atlanta,. the *-
grand military .strategic centre or Georgia, .never
to .be recalled,’"-And■•while"- the ; shouts ’of 'the
victory in .Georgia were. stllt sounding in oar ears,
Opequan. responded to the thunders of Atlan
ta, and the heroic Sheridan, : after a decided
victory, wasnrivmg the rebel army from: the val
ley of. Yirainiar Was Sherman-a campaign from
to uhattanooga; and fromChat
ianooga to Atlanta, a failure? Why, that campaign is ■
unsurpassed in history. Was Grant’ s.Po to mac advauce
a failure? What, the hero of the great campaign of the-
West,; terminating wiih the capture of Yicasburg and;
its garrison, not know, ordohisdnfcy! Was the victory
of the Wilderness a failure,'or the destruction in sue
cessive battles of one-third,of Lee’s: army, together
with th 6 seizure of .the great Weldon E&ilroad, or the.
repulse there of the Confederate -attack—were these
failures? - Keeolbct, Grant' was ’lieutenant-general,
subordinate only to the President and Secretary.of War,
m-planning the whols campaign,: and, .while too much
-crecitcainot.be given,to the heroic Sherman and noble
Sheridan, and their, gallant armies, yet, it must be re
membered, that their great victories and strategic mili
tary movement,.are-but apart of Grant's plan-eenoea
tratingthe. three armies ol the Potomac, the SbSnah
doab, and the -West; so as to seize and hold all the-roado
connecting with. Eichmond, and captare the Confederate
arms and Government.
4 Andhowas to.oaß navy. Were the gallant deeds of
Admiral lroitir,ai Vicksburg, on the Mispissippi rlvar, .
tt e Arkansas, and the Ked river, failures ? Was the
destruciiou of the forts protecting New Orleaus-aadthat
city*by the'illustrious Fairagut, failures Were the;
capture destruction" by that gallautman. aided by.
Gnu-. Grafegervof the forts couimaudlug,the bay of Mo
bile, together,’with the occnpatiou of its harbor oy oar
the detraction therfe of the Confederate navy
—rwere these failures? - Were the capture of the forte ,
and cuy. of Pensacola, of all the Florida forts, and - the *■
fortifleatioub commanding Savannah, the'defeat of the'
Meriimac aad .Teunesaee.tbe destruction oft the Ala-?
bamai the?capture of Port Royal, an d of the forts which
commanded it—were these failures ? No; the war is not
a failure It is a glorious and transcendent success.
Already the.whole Southern and Southwestern coast is
ours, > The whole of the Missit sippi. is h ours, wiiii far
more than, a . thousand miles of it* course from Golum- ;
bus to r it&. mouth, and even to a con&ioerabte extent up
the Mississippi and Missouri, which had been once in
the.hands of :the enemy. Chesapeake Bay Uours, and
all itsit-ributanee, from the Potomac to the James river.
The whole coast of Horthaud South Carolina, of Florida,
Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, with vast
portions,ef tne interior, Including -many. Impregnable
: positions, is onrs. Tennessee,.one of the seceded States,
ls.now wholly ours. Kentucky is loval. -Missouri Is
, ours, and r has abolished slavery. Maryland -Is ours,
: and bar, I believe, uprooted slavery also. Oir whole'
territorial domain, greater In extent than one half of
Imoffe, and, about slavery,.in-which l this contest be-'
gan. isnow wholly ours ; hot arehelflagfleats within
its limits. .When before were such mighty conquests
achieved within so short a period? - Why, the conquests
of Alexander, of Caisar, .and Eapoleon cjvercd no siich .
extent of territory. And, " we take no steps back
wards. ” Where onr flagnow Is once unfolded in any
part of rebeldom. there it continues to float, and will:
float for ever. What are we to negotiate about? Is"
it as to giving-up the Mississippi and its-tributailesf
together with New .Orleans, Vicksburg, and Ten
nesses? Is .West Virginia,' which; has been admit-:
. ted.as. a new Free State, to be surrendered ? Are Fortress
Monroe and the Chesapeake to be Abandoned ? Is the
: rebel iflag to float at Alexandria and on thoheights of
Arlington, aid are rebel cannon to he planted there, in
sight of and to command the wry capital of the Union?
Are We to lnsnlt; loyal Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland,
and Delaware by negotiating about them ?' Are we to
give back Western: to Eastern Virginia? Where is the
lineot divisionjorbe.run, and what armies would- be
strong enough to maintain peace upon the border?
: Wh at portion of the mighty Territories uniting us with.-,
the Pacific Are to be surrendered? Are we to turnover
to the cruel despotism of their bloody and relentless
master the millions of loyal people ol' tho South, to
whom we have given the most sacred pledge of the pro
tection of the Union ? And, last of all, are the two mil
- lions of slaves, as Jefferson Davis complains, who have
been: emancipated .by the constitutional war pro
clamation ol President Lincoln, are they to be re
manded to slavery.inclndin* the thousands who have so.
- gallantly fought inpur defence? -And as to slavery, on-,
what, if any, may be left,of if, when the war Is over,
„aie we to abandon- the unquestionable right to abolish
it, as Mr. Lincoln and his friends propose,. by a eonait-..
'"tutlohal amendment ?ITs Jefferson Davis to come back
-again astSenator from"Misslidppl?- Are th 9 traitors,.’
. Cobb and Thompson-; to take their places In the Mc-
Clellan pahinet?_ Is Toombs, of Georgia (as he boasted),
to call the roll-of: his slaves on the Boston Common?
Slavery, we know, was -the.sole {cause of tha war. It
was slavery that fired the first gun at Sumpter, and de
manded to rule orwola the country. It "was in the
iname of slavery that the South secede*; and It was to
rextend and perpetuate slavery, as a blessed and divine
Institution, that"they 'avowedly framed the Confede
rate ccnstitulion. - In the debates of Congreis of 1860 61,
,jn the proceedings of the committee of ISi3, in the acta
~ of the Peace Coagrees, in the various secession ordl
■ nances,by the very terms of the Confederate constitution
.shivery was the sole causeof thia war upon thsGo
.veirmenv Slavery was and Is our great enemy, and
.-shall wa not destroy it?. Slavery was the sots cause of
.the war, and shall it not be eradicated? - When the pa
•ffienv cails for a physician, he >oeks lor the source of the
jdl.seste, loasnoi merely to.alleviate presentpaini bat
.to? einove th* cause: and prevent relapses or successive
Attacks If he'deslß only with palliatives, to assuage
. for a brief period the presen t suffering, when he can re
move the cause, and restore the patient to permanent
and perfect health, he Is but a quack aud an impostor.
The party supporting sir. Lincoln is composed, of
lueu iff all th 9 old pittUdo, Its t’&kiUd&td Tqt the
•LONPONi Sept. 30th,isk
Presidency is from NoTtb.. and: belonged the late
. Re.publican itt3- candidate for iheVice preri-.
denoy^a;ibraye,jio^alt 3 l7hioafloving' iaani is; frdmithe
South; fiaad belonged (like myselfto the old Democratvo
party., .But the BalSimore CoHyention, is the spirit of ?
true nationality and patriotism, discarded all old party
? names or issues.' It acres ohly iu the name of the Union,
and as,one greftfc,,U,moa>party,and’aBked all patriots,
dismissing for the present all old party* names or issues,
to unite s with it for the salvation of the Onion, » •
• My firstobjection," then; to’the organization- against
Mr. Lincoln, is* thafciMs a mwe partyorgauizatien,' arr s
- rayed under an old party name, and marching under ah
old party.banner. ’ln the midst' of a 1 great coatevtlika >
this, iWhemaU ,old party names and prejudices should,
be forgotten, and' when Democrats ■ and Republicans ’
should be united as>brethren in tfche .one grand effon to
1
reopens old party strifes,, renews old party issues; aid, »■
denouncing Republicans, assumes tb'h' name and pro-'
Jesses to repietent the Democratic party. /It ; w»a the*,
banner of the Union that was .raised by the Convention
at Baltimore,..and the salvation of the Union, With' ifea'
rescue from present, and future perUe, the suppression
of the rebellion; with the removal of the caused odhhfcit >
tutedtbe.only issues presented b* that .Convention- to
- the whole of the loyal States of all parties. - 3 v- 1
Jt was far. otherwise at Chicago. It wasa mere as
semblage of partisans, some for, and some'against tile
union,-in the search of powerand emoluments., Ifwas
the flag of the Union tnat'was given. to' the breeze at
; Baltimore. It was theflag of a party that was unfolded'
at Chicago. ‘ ‘ For the .Union’ ’ was written oh the fl&g
of the one;;■ ? for the]Democratic party 1 * was: i«scribad J i
on the standard of the 6tl er. It was said that the Balti
> more; Convention has made iheaboJitronof.slaveryoner
ofits issues: but, as, well might it r bB objected that it
had made' th'e-prosecution of the war, of the naaiute--
Bffflce of the, army or navy, part of its creed * The
proclamation of the President' had its
whole constitutional force as a war measure to save -
the Union and; as such, ! it was adopted hy'Mr Lin
coln as ex-officios*‘commander-in- chief of thearmyand
hayy of the United. States.’ 1 That it was, as a-
War perfectly constitutional. ;! have never
doubted, and so declared in an article * published at
the time in the Continental Magazine It is the duty of
all pei’sotis, jaot ;altene; to unite with the President in l
; tuppresring a rebellion. Slaves, in the relation which
r they occupy to the ilfational Government Pe-.
deialConstitution, are persons. ** As they
are thrice named*iiri the Constitution, and by ad other
name whatever.- Especially, under ihe clause pro
viding for direct taxation, they are enumerated, as per
-6<n»Bt not valuta as property. The term ‘'person . 1 is
more- freqnenny in th« Constitution than any
• and it is - applied * expressly ito fclavss. aiid to
the whole people of States, including
the President and President,-who are deug- ?
nateo therein as person*. This very question, whether
slaves are - persons or property under the Constitu
tion, arose in the great case of Groves \e. JHaugMer,.
,when, in 1841 (with ft single-dUsenting opinion, that
of Judge Baldwin,) after the fullest argument on.both.
sides'; It was unanimously decided by the Supreme
Court of the United States that slaves, in the relation
which they hold* to the National Government under
the Pederal Constitution, ni& persons only and not
property. Were ibotherwise, Massachusetts could not
lorbid the introduction of slavesfrom the for saie
there as merchandise, for Massachusetts couldinot pro
hibitjthe introduction of the cotton or any property of'
the South for * ale as merchandise within her. limits, for
that would have beenaprobibitloif of the exports from
State to State, which is forbidden by the Federal Con
stitution. elaborate argument before the
Court, as one ofrlie counsel in that case, will be-found
lngie appendix to the first edition of the lSth volamo
As , President has a
right to call for the aid-of all residing in the United
States, wtcepfc alienee to suppress the rebellion. He«
has aright to calbfor the services of the loyal or rebel
. mastersforeuchapurpose. as well as for the service of
their slaves. “ *
It cannotbe denied that the masters, whether rebel
or loyal, may be called and even forced by con*cr,ption
into the aimy to suppress the rebellion. Would it not
then be strange if the master - could exempt his slaves
from similar services? ■ The only right of the master re
■ cognized'by the Constitution, is to the “ sarvice or la
bor, ’ o? his slaves. But he has a right equally strong
tohisownserviceurlabor; yet oothmust yield?to the
paramount right of the Government to the services of
both or either to suppreie the rebellion. : There is hot a
single word in ike Federal.ConstHution,, Which, either
by inference or express declaration, exempts slaves, ~
any other persons, from the call.of the Fede
ralUoveiniDent to aid in suppressing a rebellioa. Such ;
1b the construction:given by the. South to; the so called
Confederate Constitution,‘which is much more stringent
than ours-in that for it -recognizes slaves as ,
property ; yet, the rebel authorities; the.rebel Congress
and Government, force slaves,"even by conscription, to
perform military duty—to dig the trenches—to make the
earthworks—to erect the barracks and arsenals—to help
to make the cannon, small arms, and powder, and ves
sels of war—to construct the fortifications—to transport
the provisions, munitions, and cannonfor their armies,
togetherwiih the tents and mfitarx equipage—ld raise
the food indispensable for the sapport; oft their mi
litary; forces,; and, of course, they would, if they
dare, put arms in their hands to meet us on thebattle-"
field.. It is clear, then, notas a confiscation of property
(which is also constitutional under certain, circum
stances), but as persons, that we have & right to the
service of the slaved as well as of thetr masters to sup
press the rebellion. . But is only by emancipation (with
compensation for loss of their services by loyal men),
that the slaves can be called into our.army, and used to
suppress the rebellion A call by the President for the
slaves toserve in our armies, tO’rhk their lives and :
shed* their blood for the Union* accompanied by the
declaration that they were still slaves; and, upon'the
termination ofithe war, such as survived would be re
stored to their masters, with whom their wives and
children must si ill remain in bondage, would be an;
atrocious crime, as well as the climax of all : absurdi
ties, :35f0; It by emancipation that the services
of the slaves can or ought to be obtained for the suppres
sion of the rebellion. The Emancipation Proclamation,
then, of the President, with compensation to loyal mas
ters, is most clearly coßStitutionaLduring.thecontinu- v
ance of the war, and as a war.measure to suppress the
rebellion and save the Union, and such must be the deci-;
sion of the Supreme Court of the United States, to which
tribunal the President has properly submitted the final
arbitrament of the constitutional question. . It is true,
when the rebellion is crushed, the President can issue
no new emancipation proc’amation. But neither can he
then recall or modify the one alrea-dy issued: and if he
had the power to recall the proclamation; it would ba
an act or perfidy unparalleled;in the history of the
world. The nation would be so utterly disgraced by
such bad faith as would be involved in the revocation of
the Bmancipatiori Proclamation, as to earn the'C >n
tempt of aD honest and honorable men, and the loss of
sympathy of. the industiial classoe and forking meu of
Europe, whose rulers would then no longer fear to re
cognize.or ,aid the South./ It was the' magnificent 1 up
rising of the working classes of England in favor of the
Union, that alone saved both countries from a bloody
and disastrous war.. . v . . * -
The emancipation proclamation being, as we have
seen, clearly constitutional* as m- war measure, with a
view to save: the Dniou, was it, as such, wise and ex- '
pedieut? We have seen that the rebel South,'even by.
conscription, when necessary, used slaves for military
purposes, and those not used directly in that way are
required to raise breadttuffs and- provisions (instead of
cotton), to supply the Confederate army. Indeed, the
d ebates of God gress formanyiyears past,-wili’show that'
, the South boasted, not vainly,-: of thhir ’ great military
strength, ibecanse-thßy .declared- that; while the slaves ’
.woula be-u’red'ln raising provisions to supply: their
forces, the whole white, population capable of. bearing
arms could then be called into the field ’, This consti
tuted, a: they declared, their great militaru strength .
And is it not then a most important war measure, to
'deprive them of that all-powerful and efflcient : weapon,:
which, we have, seen, can only, be done by emancipa- ;
tion? - How, let us suppose that while we -refuse the
: use of the colored race, whether bond or free, in aid
of the war, they are used for that purpose by tha
South, .what would"be-the result? By the census
of 1860, the whole populat-ioh of- the United 'States
was 31,445,050, of which there were white, 26,975,675;
free colored, 487,996; slaves, 3,963.760; total, of colored,
■4,441,766, of which there were, in the seceded States
8,663,110, and.in the loyal States, 788,446. Add the.
- whites in the seceded-States 5,‘449,463, would thus make
"the whole pipulatlon of those States, hy the census of
: 1860, 9,1(2,573.:: In the loyal States the whole popula
tion was 2K;342,507, of which 21,653, S6l were white, and
758.646 colored. How-, then.^lf the colored race, as we
have seen, in the seceding &tate& are used for war pur
poses by them and.-not by us,: the relative number of
opposing forces wouldu.be as . follows: Loyal states,
21,653,861; seceded States, 9.-102 678; difference In favor'.
of the loyal States. 12,461,28& Now,-to begin the pro-: -
cess, add to the whites In the loyal States the free co
lored, and the total number.,i5*22:343,607; seceded ’
States, 9,1(2 573: difference imfitvor of the loyal States,
13,239,934. Continuing : the .process, , if we deduct-by :
the emancipation-, policy Hie , whole colored popu
lation: of' the seceded.- States, the.'result would be, !
loyal. States, 22,342,607;.5eceded States, 6,449,463. ,Bat
if; concluding the proceBs,.by the emancipation policy'
we not only dednet the colored race from me aid of the
South, but add it inlaid of the loyal State.:, the result
would be, loyal: States,. 26,995,017; seceded States,
5,499,463'; difference in favor of loyal States, 20,456,154.
Thus, the policy opposed to emancipation and to theluse
of the colored race by us in the war, makes the diffe
rence in our favor as: against the SouKT only 12,4-31,288,
whereas.the difference in onr favor by the emancipation
policy of the'President is-20.646,154: Deduct from this
the above, 12,451,SS&;:final .diflference,,B,U94.S66. Thus,
we see, that, hythe President’s policy, there is, in ef-'
feet, a gainto.the loyal-States .equivalent to more;than:,
eight millions of-people-. more than 200,003 of whom are ’
already soldiersjii the Union army; all of whom must
be disbanded. lf-Mr. Lincoln’s policy was erroneous.
Will any say that a policy. which makes a difference in
the, relative forces-ofthe two contending parties of more
than eight millions oPpeople in favor of the Hdrth, and ’
which has already, increased onr army. 200,000, is not a
most important.war measure,-aiding us to'suppress the
rebellion and i save the Government: and, therefore, it ;
is a policy eminently calculated to preserve aud oerps-'
tuate the Unron?;, Indeed, it is this measure which ren
ders the maintenance'of the Union certain, aad, with
out it,; the .Union is subjected to great peril, -i;
As. then, the emancipation policy of the President i;
not...oniy.wise;;boneficeht, and constitntional, but rea“
ders-certain.the preservation of the Union, while that of
his opponents subjects it to imminent peril, 1 go for the '
re-election of Mr , Llhcbln. I goforthlm as a . Union .
man. 'and because his emancipation’policy will cer
tainly; save the Union; and I go against his opponent, t
because, however loyal he maybe, and however sin
cere his desire to save the tTnion,practically hels a dis
unioniBt;-.hecaate,independent:of the Chicago platform;
his anti-emancipation and anti-negro policy subjects
the Union to imminent perll/.’How,. wlthme, in this;-’
as in all preceding elections, the preservation and per
petuation of: the Union constituted the great'transcend- *
ent question, involving .the liberty of .our, country and -,
mankind; and I can give no vote' which subjects
it to the - slightest peril, v Save the Union,-aud- ait-'
else will, be added in time, (including tbe utti
paate downfall- fof’ slavery.-which 1 predicted and
advocated in Janhsry, 1844.) has been the doctrine'
of my life. ■ To that dectrine I still adhere, hut support
the president's emancipation.policy now. bsause St
is tliemostefilcient, ifnot-lh'e only means'of saving and .
perpetuating the. Union. I opposed emancipation when
it was unconstitutional as a peace measure, and because
I knew it would cause . civil war, invite foreign .inter”
vebiion, and endanger the Union.'; I support emancipa-"
bon now, hecause.it is constitutional, greatly diminishes
the danger of:foreign intervention.'and' insnr's the :
maintenance and perpetulty of the Union, f I supported;
: Judge Douglas and opposed" the election of'Mr; Lincdin
in 1860, because 1 believed it 'would. impera the Union, :
While always denying that his election would justify,
disunion, I feared that the rebellionwould he the result.
In voting against-Mr. Lincoln in‘lB6o, Idid so to save ,
the Union irom peril. In voting for him now. it is to
suppress the rebellion And maintain the Union, it is not:.
for Mr. Lincoln as a man (howeverworthy he may.be) .
that 1 now vote—l vote for principles-—I vote for the
Union—and in supporting him, I vote for the.bsst, if not -
the only means to maintain and perpetuate the Union.-
But: there is another principle of vital importance in-:
volved in this election.: The ■ South; under the banner
of Slavery, proceeded to secede from the Union, imme
diately after the result of the-Presidential election of
1860 was made known- South Carolina seceded, in Dei
cemher, 1E60. ; Mississippi followed early ir. January.
1861; and the Cotton States all followed during that and
• the succeeding month of February;,’ How, Mr.-Lincoln
was nol and could ..not , be inaugurated as President
until March, 1861 The South dim not and would not
wait for his'inaugural address of that date to know,,
under ihe-new condition of affairs, what would he the
policy ofhis'Admimstration. They did not and would
not wait for any measures of his Administration, much
less any, act of-the Government or of Congress, but pro-,
ceeded to secede, merely because. Mr. Lincoln had
ibeen constitutionally eleotedito the Presidency by
the people of.the UnitediStates. Such an act was an
overthrow, of. the great fundamental principle of
all free government, namely, that the majority,
shall govern under the-forms of the Constitution. It
was an attack upon the right of suffrage, an assault
upon the baiiot-hox, and the great principle of an elec:
■ tive President,, as provided m our Constitution, and
: which lays at the very basis of free institutions. :. That
riiiociple is the vital element of our existence. It is
‘ the bracing aire” of liberty. ’ Take it away, and the
freedom instantly expires. The right of suffrage is the
; great (American right of evsiy citizen, rich or;poor,
humble or. exalted. It 1b the great palladium of our
: liberty. B :ts a Government, like. a mighty pyramid,
reposing on its broad and immovable base the will-and
aflections of the people. It is the people’s Government,
and, therefore; the people maintain it, and with us two.
millions of volunteers have rushed to its support."
Therefore, whilst it -is the best Government ’ ini ’
peace, it is the strongest in war. Bat secession
because of: the; election of a President, is; not only
war upon the, Union, but war upon the elec
tive : franchise—the great • fundamental .principle
of free government, and withoht which It: la but a fleet
ing shadow. Democrats—people "of, all parties—my
* coantrymen, while you are asked now by ’ihe’Chioago:
Convention to vote-against Mr. Lincoln, you. would
nullify by that very vote the right of suffrage, because,
wlatis mat suffrage worth, what is your vote but an
: empty foim, if It may not elect your President? , But
it, because the minority who,haye voted, against you,
dlstatislied with your choice, can rebel, make war
, uponiyou, heaauseyouthus voted, and set up another
President for that minority by force of -arms. wlist Is
that but to say that the majority shall nojrnle; that the
rightiof suffrage shall-bonulHlted; -that the Constitu
tion , under which that vote was'given, shall, be over
thrown?: This is what the rebelßon has done in at
tempting to destroy the Eepnbllc; merely hecause.of the
elect'oijof Mr. Lincoln. ; This arrogant, and insolent -
siave>holding oligarchy woiild.not even watt ,to .hear
what- the President of your choice would say.
They, treated the: President of yonr choice,, and
‘therefore they , treated you and the Constitution
under Which yon acted, with: scorn and defiance. .So
long ftg you would act with them, so long aa tha North-;
in parasites would -adhere to the Southern Upas tree of ,
slavery, to long as the ‘ ‘ rqnd -sills ’ of the Horth, as
they Arrogantly called you, would obey the orders of
thelTi Somhem, masters; so long as you wotUdibe their
slaves,, they would permit the President to he.inaugu
ratrd. Bntsosoon an you elected a Profil'd eat against
theiridictation, i thenvyoui-suffrages'should be nullified
hy the rebellion,of a minority.against the majority.,
What is ibis tuvto say, that the. majority shall'not
eh edaJpresideni, find thus render the right, of; suffrage
an empty form, striking.at .he.;fundiment&l principle
o'Uef-Gov tin topi-t, nod siibstitutiiig the bauonets of
lie minority fi-v the Ijrrltats of the majority oMhe
people? Freemen - of America, is it possible that
by voting .against Mr. .Lincoln now because of the
Southern rebellion, you will thus declare’thst the"
election of a Pres dent- by the people Is ’not
to be jaftiataintd, hat tliai his ra-oUction is ; v
four gents.
authority, zufonrYrftHidnTit
• is aereforeßevartositmi
ovstbe&h6kiP*mimcde*i-tß<s!aif& a Mbdlfma 1 mi
xoHtKß»oto.it o bfr;to VBO fWsj“n l to*oMof?h9
tranß*Biiseiib j iaVolTed in tHis contsrt.' lt"}g ij
►• iST«»tfsl»eBtt(Bliwlieth9r themnjority sliall-irnle
■ or the ig.an- unreal
IS ,«■,mfeed-a Hod-give*right of
°L W 1 , Maker - Toil voted® that
M/- * honld t>» J Resident of the Whole ffn-tted
States, Has
it beeD Obeyed f No: am arrogant slavehc-lding minority
has rebelled against it, anf, within the boundaries of
ithe area occupiedbj thatmiuonty, has supposed your
by, the, bayonet, aud>substituted Jefferson
Davis, one of fcnd rebel leaders, In til ace of Abraham
, Lfocoln.VWittaAhelimits
under the Constitution, which you devolved u*on Abra
ham Lincolhe nnilifled- by force of arniS, and’
now, if.yon the war, or defeat his re- election;*
yOnr choice.wiU have been nullified, and he never will
have exercised throughout the Unikd States the power
‘ given to him* by your suffrages under the Constitution
j Now the party in thus.acuttiescing in this de- -
i strucfctonof the jrnffrage, dares to assume the’
• sacred-name of Democracy, , .which you know is hut
Anglicized Greek, rad»n!ng the powerof‘the people,
■ Shade ofthe immortal Jaeksbnl. the father and rounder
; of the Democratic party,' buist the cerements of the
; Bermitage,’ and blast with the thunders cf New Orleans
the wretched .traitors who thus dare to profane the sa>
- crec. name under which you were chosen President of
thsUniiedStates '
But there is'another grave- objection to tbor McClellan
. pjatfonn adopted at Chicago. At is its intenMon&l am
- bigzbitp- The Convention was. composed of Unionists
> and bieunionietf, of Pee ce aad Wir Democrats, as they
style themselves, and the platform'was adapted suit
, tht views of„both these partlesinand out of the Con
vention- ll was a platform upon which the temple of
Janus was to be* but with side doors . at* ? eithsr ! .
extremity,- into one of which the peace men, with their.
•' Olive branches; should enteri and the war men; in full
military, array, in the other; and the lion and the. lamb
meet together in the centre in cordial agreement; Bat
■ it appears that the war men in this case were only asses
in lions*-' skins, for m the compromise between antago
mstic priaciplefe and candidates, the peace men got far
the better of the bargain While there* were some vague
* and glittering .generalities in favor of:ihe Union, they ;•
were connectea with conditions which rendered the de
* stiuction of the Union certain—namely,an armistice
,amd cessation of; hostilities, accompanied by the false
and iiagit!ous ; declaration, calculated to encourage the
enemies of oui country at home ahdrabroad—namely,
that the war to suppress the rebellion was a f«ilure.
Bemembor, soldiers, that the McClellan; platform de
. clares that your battles failures; that yburblood
■ has been shed in vain; that your aims can never crush
the rebellion; that you are inferior in courage to the
slaveholdingrebels; that you must admityour defeat,
throw down your muskets, return in disgrace to yonr
homes,| disband the army,.lay up the navy, recall
Generals Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Meade, and Gil-
Admirals Farragut* Porter, Dupont; Davis,
* e , a ve it to the civilians of Chicago,
vallandigham, Harris, Long, Pendleton, and'others, to
. negotiate a peace. *
Now,'what is an armistice ? It is defined to be a sua
r pension** the war lor a limited period; There may be
conditions added, but rone are named ihthe McClellan-
Chicaro platform. Of course, then, it means a cessa
tion of hostilities by land and sea Indeed, the plat
form is weaker than for it proposes directly a
/' cessation of hostilities, * 1 not by land only, or by sea
only, but, fofj course, by both, as the words are
gtneral .Now, then, the blockade of the rebel
and the capture or dei*tructiomof blockade-runners and
Itheir cargoes, is war upon the ocean,. This blockade,...
then .* is to be abandoned during the armistice, for there 1
is to be a cessation of hostilities upon the ocean and the.,
land.;- : ;• ?
During this interval of peace, when there is to be’no
blockadeoftbe Southern ports, .what is to. follow? By,
their own accountsuhd esdmates, the Confederates have
within their limits in cotton (at present prices),, tobac
co, und naval stores, a value exceeding , one billion of
dollars in gold. Now, then, so soon as the armistice'
was agreed upon, the war uprm“the* r ocean, including
the blockade, having ceased, the whole of this footton;
tobacco, and naval store*, would be shipped'to Europe,
• orpartly to Nassau, on the way to Europe, and this
enormous amonnt realized by the Confederate Govern
; meat in gold.; -We know . what tremendous disasters
have been prodnced bythe:cotton famine in England/
Fiance, and other countries, Now, the first effect of
such shipments would he the total ruin of all oar manu
factures of cotton and other textile fabrics. But another
still more .serious result would follow. We know
that Louis Napoleon ia thet bitter enemy'of the
Union; we know that <he has again and again de
dared that we could not suppress the rebel
lion; that he has .earnestly thrice- endeavored 'to
persuade the'British Government to unite with him
in acknowledging;the independence of the South—
twice throagh efforts made directly upon the BrHwh
Cabinet, and once through Roebuck and Lindsay, mem
bers of the House of Commons, to induee it by a parlia
mentary vote to compel the British Ministry to unite
with the Emperor in acknowledging..the independence
ot lhe South. That Louis Napoleon is our bitter enemy,
is proved also by the French-Mexican war, in which
England, and even Spain, separated from him. It is
proved also by the diplomatic correspondence of Jeffar- .
son Davis, and by Ms friendly and approving recogni
tion of the establishment ,of the French. Imperial Go
vernment in Mexico. It is further-proved bv Louie
N apo. eon's own letter, in which he declared that one
.of the objects of the Mexican war was the establishment
of tlie equilibrium of the Latin race upon the American
continent. It is farther demonetratedbythe proceed
ings of ihe French in Mexico, and especially recently
at Matamoros, in the mutual said given andjrecelvedby.
the French and Confederate forces Now/what is the
meaning of establishing the equilibrium of the Lataa -
race on the v ‘ American continent ?’ ’ In’ the first
place, it means'Earopean military intervention fin the
secflnd place, it means to embrace not only Mexico* but
t~whole Latin race on the American continent. r By
the Latin race/s included, alt Spanish America.: Ifc>
means, then, in the future, if our Government is over
throws, that all Spanish America, from the northern
boundary of Mexico to Cape Horn, is to be consolidated
into one great Power under imperial sway. It means
to include in this vast empire the command of the Isth-'
•mus cf Tehuantepec, the route by Central America
(about which Louis Napoleon has written 60 muca), -by
iHonduras, and .ChiriQiii, but more especially the Pa
nama, as also the Atrato routes. . ' ,
. Ini the great future, whoever commands ihesAroutes,
especially together with that of the Isthmus“f Snaz,
which I have visited a few months since, and which
Louis Napoleon has nearly-completed, will command:
* the -commerce of the world, and, as a consequence,
ultimately control the institutions of the world. Such
are the tremendous problems teeming in the braiu of
• Napoleon the Thirdj and all, as he. believes, depend
ing upon-the destruction, of: the. American Gnion. I.
tptak of what I know from* a residence now of nearly
two.years in Europe. -.Thus LouisNapoleou
to bring us witbin the centrifugal : gravitation
of the European balance of power. This wonderful-roan
proposes to extend this system from the oia continent
to the new; embracing both* and thus hold in his
*quriibnum*rt±e balance power of the world. 2?s
may wellimagine what that equilibriumlwill be v&hn
Napoleon the Third i-hall hold the balance in his hands!
Abe oy he has cohsideratlepossessions (insular and
continental) in North and Sonth America, and MexicS, 4
under Maximiiiani is snbstantially; a French depend
ency._. Be holds Be is colonizing Egypt (as I
■ myself saw this year) by his railroads and canals. He
has seized and colonized Cochin China and Ann am. He
has a dependency" on. the bayonets of
riance; , Now» then, under these ;, circumstances,'
When the blockade shall have terminated, and Jeffer
somDavis. who is quite as ambitious and evon more
talented than Louis Napoleon, shall hold in his hand
more than a billion of dollars Worth of Southern pro
deets reaay for immediate shipment, may he f not, and
will he noi say, through his most able and adroit diplo
representative at Paris, recognize the independence
-.ofthe South, and all these produces shall be shlppad for
sale, in France, and to French manufacturers, and thus
enable France to crush for the present the cotton manu
facturers of allthe rest ofthe world? It is well known
in Paris that Mr. Slidell is upon terms of the most inti
mate association with Louis Napoleon, and has tho-.
; roughly convinced himathat we cannot suppress the re
bellion. Isitnot, then, clear, anxionsas Napoleon isfor
of the South, that he would, in the event of
'McClellan 's eleciion, at once recognize Southern inde
pcndencet r indeed, it is ihe boast of the Confederate
. leaders in Europe, since the adoptienbf the platform at
Chicago, that, upon the election of their cjaididates*
■ withonty aiting four months for the inauguration in
.March next,'Napoleon will'Air oxoe recognize the Con-
Nderate Government Indeed, ! do not doubt, from
the circumstantiai evid’ence (although I do not kno w the
fact), that there is already a secret understanding be
tween Jefferson Davia and Napoleon the Tnird to
recognize the ind ependence of the South upon the elec
tion of the Chicago candidates.; Why wait four months,
until the 4th of Marcumext, when the American people,
by endorsing the Chicago platform, shall have declared
for peace, with the additional announcement in that
iplatiorm that the wai for-the suppression of the rebel- -
lionhas failed? .
If, indeed, the war lias failed, and'we cannot thus
suppress tlie rebellion, it would not only he the right, -
hut upon the principles; of international law.'-ihe duty
of eyery foreign Power to acknowledge Southern inde
pendence. vThns ie it that the Chicago McClellan plat
form invites jecognition. tWUat is-the. meaning of the
recognition.of the independence of the South hy France,
: under: such circumstances ? It means war! It means,
In the first place, commercial treaties stipulating, great
advantages ih.iavor of: Prance, and perhaps other
i rowers It means, of courie, the overthrow of the
rhlocsade, so as to carry out those treaties. Itmaans
conditious destructive of onr interests, and favorable to
the recognizing Powers. It.iaeans advantages and dis
. criminations in tariffs, and tonnage duties, and naviga
tion privileges, which would exclude ns from Southern
ports, including New Orleans' and* the month of the
Mississippi, and deprive us of the markets of the South.
Such a recognitir n, ,then, with its attendant consequen
ces, means war—war not only withlFrance.hut probably
‘ wiih Bnfland and Spain, and other Powers. Doubt
less, upon the election of thuChicago ca* didates, - Hapo
Icon wouJ d again ask the. Ministry of England to unite
.with, him in recognizing the independence of the South,
and; to participate in the benefits.of the; proposed com-.
mor rial treaties, Who can'say that England, under the
dangers, and sacrifices incurred by arefnsal, . would
again decline the offer? •
It is clear, then, that the election of the Chicago can
didates involves the most imminent peril of war. with
France, If not with-Englandj hoth acting thenin alli
ance with the Confederate Government That my conn .
try even then would.accept the. contest rather than the"
dishonor and ruin, of .disunion Ido believe; but who -
"can predict the result of- euch-a conflict? My country- -
men, we are speedily approaching the .very edge of a
darkand.perilona■ abyss, 'into .'which we may soon be
; plubgrd by the election o). the. Chicago candidates. -1
implore yon not, to mate the dread experiment.- Ton
nnict know.that there wjlhe ho recognition,of the in
dependence of the South by France or England, or any :,
otb er Fewer, if Abraham Lincoln should be re- elected
in. A oyember .port. - The American people .will then
haye loudly proclaimed, through the ballot box, that"
they eon and will eubdne tbe rebellion by force of arms,
and that, they'will continue to hegotiatefrom. the mouths
of our cannon nntil the Southern,armies shall have been
ditpersed and. vanquished. Upon the news .of the re'-,
election, of Mr Lincoln -reaching Europe, tke.Confede
rate stock, .now waiting the success of the 'Chicago can
didates,, will fall like Lticifeiv.to rise no more.' - Anu-ri
can securities,- including, those of the Federal and loyal
State Governments, .of railroads,-".and other, companies,-
..with real capital,'will-all-be immensely appreciated.
-The" difference in favor of onr country, including the
rise,in greenbacks,-would,be equivalent iha/ew months!
to "hundreds of millions of dollars. , Nor is it only our
stock s that:'will rise at home and .abroad, .but the ha-V
tional character will be Immensely exalted. The
'friends of our country and liberty.in Europe, including
the grand mass of the people, will echo back the exult
ant shouts of freedom as they roll on fromfke Pacific to:
the Mississippi^-from the Mississippi to the lakes," and,'
bounding from the glad Atlantic, be carried by, steam,
iind lightning-. to-the shores of Europe, The fetters of
American slavery- will be broken by such a result,.and.;
man—immortal' man-of whatever rilce: or color, horn,
m the image of his; Maker, will emerge from.chattel-,
dom, and riEe to the dignity of our common humanity.
There is one point itill remaining of vast importance.
It is the question of slavery! so, far.as it yet lingers
Within our borders.. Without entering upon other as
pects of that case, we call attention,to the- proposed
am'endmentforthepuiposeof abolishing slavery onithe
recommendation of Congress and the ratification of
, three-fourths of the States, as provided in the Federal
Constitution.- This is recommended by Mr. Lincoln,
and it is a ptenh in the Baltimore Platform. Itpassed
the Senate By a more than two-thirds vote, but was de
feated t!ui ■ Democrats, by a vote of 69 to 91 in the
House, thus falling to receive the two-thirds majority 1
of both Houses of Congress as required by the GonstUa- .
tion. -If, as haß been heretofore shown, slavaryis the
great enemy of the Union, and was the sole-cause, of •
the rebellion, w hy hot extirpate the cause of the war ?
"Why not.remove what-may remain of slavery after the
war is erded, by the proposed, amendment, as recom
mended .by Mr, lincolnfi This is a, war and a.Unioa
measure, calculated to crush the-rebellion, to main
tain the Union, and to prevent any futnrheffiort to effect
its overthrow-, This measure,.which would settle final
ly and forever the slavery question, will succeed at an
early period, if Mr. Lincoln should be re-elected. But
this measure the Democrats oppose! and desire to keep
e.dpexi the slavery question, for no object that can he per
ceived, except to renew the old party alliance between
: tiavefy South and its Northern supporters, with a view
; to party triumphs. ,If General McClellan succeeds,
sla very,' so far as it still exists, will be "cherished,
: maintained, and. perpetuated.' The viper will be
■ warmed intolifa a gain,.and althoiighit might perhaps
recoil for the present, it wonldonly be to strike at some
future period with greater force and venom at the life or
lhe Bepnblic. 'These men tell us they are for the
Union as it ,was. : Are they for the'revival of such
scenes as were perpetrated by Brooks in the American;
Senate? Are they for the Kansas frauds and innrdera
and forgeries, inemdihg the forgery of a Constitution ?•
Aretheyforthe right of;secession, or whUe-theydis
pute the right or a State to secede, do they deny With
Buclanan andiPendleton the>ight of the Goyernnjent
to prevent its secession? Are . they against secession,
bnt against Coercion also?- Axefhey agaanst rebellion,
' tut opposed tS-Its overthrow by force? Throughout the
South, under the Union as it was, there was no freedom
of speech or of the press, cn any question connected
: with slavery* Axe th.f*y for the sale, under lhe Saion as
it was, even of freeYiiegroeSiinto. perpetual (bondage?
are they for the.denial.of the rights of.NdrShem citU
sens tbroughoutthe South?,i ; Above alli'are;tley for the
renewal of the African slavetrade, asnotorionsly oc-'
euriedin 1859 (during the Administration oi Buchanan) :
St Savannah, m Georjia, when the wretehed victims
JJtst stolen from their native homes in Africa," were car
f? ed tf.savannah, ,an d there, in deflano* of the Federal
Constitution, openly distsibnted by sale* among the
i®, 1 chivalry of the South ?. If the Chicago candidates
and their party are for these thibgs-idf they Me for the
‘I??" rn. ih ese respect against them. I
am tor the Union (aB clearly intended by the fathers and
rounder#! Qf the Government) as it will be when slavery
{its great, and,in fact, its only domestic foe,) shall have
- wen entirely extinguished;-' While"! am far the ex
tinction of. Slavery, as a Union and as a wa? measure, I;
am consoled 'by the reflection that; whllait wUlseonre
the perpetuity of the Union,rit wIU vastly W,;
wealth and-power, and advance all uur industrial ana
icsierialt ilntereriß. pr. For: severalJ years I have ex
milted tils Question, and, in various essays, puuitsuea
ait homei'but imore especially abroad, have proved by
official ,statisjiics, t from the censuses,of 1850 and
1860, i tbat;> "under the system of wea Tabor and
free . schools which .exist in the North as com
pared with ' the South, the product of the free
i is sav per capita. a«df
r $96 per capita* AlWt tfcs Isjuls
' i' UHB-WAB FBEiSS,
tfOßiasasD Vrsm.x.r
Tni Wa*‘ PmwvrtH"ii*-»Mit to rai>Mrll)«n by --
■taU (per annum In advance)
Three e0p1e5............1.,, 5 0*
8 0*
Ten eopiee.— ♦.*».........19 O*
Jt.a«MOinb«Hum<ren will be eharged at Uu aama
fate. 93L80 pereopy. '
al *>avsaeeompanti fht onUr. «M
.V*.-worth 910 JW acre, and of the North 925 par acra
: Jt ;v.M foriherproyedbr, ms. In tboss .ssssts. by thi
(all ie offlcihl data, that, exacily in proportion to tbs
, nmn'ber of slttYes.is the decreased production p er capita,
in th. ■'slaTCB'States;-tl).atbf :Sonth Carolina,- wiih 402,.
,4£6ela '291i388 whites, being ®56.0«r capita,
and of .Delaware, with: 9P,559 whites, and 1,798 slaves,
being per capita; while that: of Massachnsetts,
with her .sterile' sell and' eeteie .climate,[ana farinfe*
■ rior natura l advantages, was $235 per capita; and the
same rnle y vas also shown to holdlin'conntles ofthe
same slays States, those, cotxnties ' with fnw slayes
alwa, s prodn eme more per capita' than those haying
™Sf T - The re'•’W was, as shown hy: the census, that
: lithe production', of the South in 1859 had been eau.il per-.
: ™pita liuriagtiu s tame year to that of the free States,
! lh e of fhe Eonthein prodnets would hare
, been 91, la 18®), anc. in the aggregate of the- .
:‘decßite from 2S^ to .1869,917,873,589,511, exclusive ofthe
. ‘¥ ??-'^ 1 iI 81n 7S ,t,aent of capital, Th*
-addition, then, to the' Value of the'prodactsof theSoutfe
in a Singlet..,ear, - caused by the snb.titotion
of free for slave lain'7, nearly euual to
, onrw hole present naUivnal debt, while in the ? aggreT
gateof the ten years suci ’esdmg it would be nnsrlT taw
. times greater than the w>\°*e national debt,
ihg utr far richer after t;b a _next census, as a cinsl
. auencs of Increased prod, dcwon, . notwithstanding thw
, nationabdebt, thanif the re bellion had never occnrraS
; Thus isitthatthe ways.of. justified.'to '
iman,. aud that slavery cbas? K os its own ad vocal's
‘ While ita overihrow brings inc-feased wealth and safety
and honorand happiness and, pirosperity. So the conn
try, While Ido not advocate,- then, the abolition of
slavery in defiance of th e Constil ntion, because if would
wake ns more wealthy and pow'erful. more “honored
happy, and prosperous, yet lrejofisethatiu -mpporting.
smancipaiioiii. a» Blr. Lincoln doeel, as a-Pnion and M -
a war measure, the overthrow of tb-is accursed'iaatitii
••■s" 011 will be attended with conntlivs tbeneflfct, to my
f?htitry and mankind. Suppress ibe rehtilUoni br'
SfahiSf*^ of thei Sonthern- arSdfesi an® • re»
throughout z,H our wide
■ofSreSom hroad. and eterna? i'oondattons
fjoppreseedV, to that asylntn of gamins lid -
!ireedom,:.mUlions.from the Old World wordd•thm--
.i comei and;unite with us m., lengthening and main
taining a.Government based upon tne rights of humani- -
tv, and sustained by the aifections of the people
while* onr physical force acd accumulating wealth
vonld thus be. rapidly and vastly augmented; onr
moral power would be inersasad in a still grander
ratio. 1 hen the crv.of tyrants, that self-goverment is
a phantom, and • Republics a failtfre, would cease to
oppress ths ■ listening ear of humanity. Then the
chains would soon fail e very where from the limbs of
theslave. Then, the-reactionary sand feudal party
: Of -Europe, now- so loudly proclaiming Republics a
isilure; while exulting over the anticipated fall of
the Americanl Union, ; would retire discomfited from
S B ?S 5 Bt ’ w > ,! . e^ 6r; « htf qfmaii would bs immensely -
; '
i 1 , 1 !?,;;?., 01it j realm, while Ireland, oppressed.
' ?!,!i 8 j 4,l ;?' ll ' i tl ' ,;llrsce ‘ TO the ftiUost jusHce Then
differancea between England “amS
America would be sunk forsver in fra* am a!
..and thepeace-of tlieworld: :
poleon the Third; whakeepa an army of 600*000 men wi
a standing menace to Euicpe and t&
: has, jnst for, the.present, ,£d to* «*»
..tingnlsled in blood ths freedom of MeSco! mns? a’bS*
don his ambitions projects,.or shiver his diadem
; the.adawantine rock of popular freedom. on
But there are complain tsdrom the so-called Demoora
; tic ipartylhat:the 1-restdenti and sspsciaUy tha Sectvl
tai / iave nurrendered the-Monroe doctrinel
and abandone.d Mexicq to her fate., There is no truth in
this accusation!- ..The- President and tho Sscrytarv of
State,-as reparas the future.. are; wholly mtcommittoi
on this qtnesttony unless/ indeed, -it be for Mexioo.TSr
announcing that thepeopie of t!je loyal States are unani
ffi9? s! , y i n “ e l, fa J or - ' I *?-y *«yare nncoinniitted tor
h uture ond tiio real objection to their, course is this •
that they have not gratified the South and its Northern
S ; e L by engaging ere this in a-war with France, sum ,
to.bring-her vqnt forces m aid of the Confederate Go
f bbdeed-Sfr. Seward- isi cursed:everywhere
by the Confederates and their allies throughout an -on*
, Pieventing=:a-war. at this- time, on ihh
cinestion between- France and . the. United IStes*
. There is a time for all things, ” and, as I have raid
before, our only question now is the aalvatiow S
‘ L^ e Vt‘ ' i** oll ' and . when that is secured wilt
be tbe proper period to consider other sttbordinato
questions, foreigner domestic!. No-man can speak witb '
moie-feeling oii'-this .question than myself, tor it is a
w®Ji known fact il at 1 earnestly opposed, asa membeb
of the Cabmefc of Mr. Polk, the Mexican treaty of 1848
among other reasons, upon the suggestion then made by '
me, that if we abandoned Mexico it would subS a* ti
the daigtr of.Eumpean interference there {fust af It
has occurred) by force of arms' Thattfeaty WMcar
l-ied by a constitutional majority of only
mainly through the instrumentality of Mr. Calhoun!
wh o was a gainst the invasion of Mexico, and for 1 mra.
terly inactivity; resting on tits hanks of the Ki»
Grande*, bemuse be knew (as declared in my Texas let
‘slaTery never could cross the
Bio. Grande, / and that, as a consequence, ail of Mexic*
which we would permanently- hold, as we ought to
have done, from Texas to Tshuantepec, wonidjdffiiM
haymg abolished slavery, have become free States. I '
believed, also, that the permanent occupa-ion and an
nexation of Mexico wontd have.forever settled all th«
dangers of the slavery question, because it wonld hav*
flanked the slave States ofthe Southwesthymanynow
eriul free States adjacent on the southwest, containing
already seven millions of people, most of whom werS
of the colored race, and who would have fonght t/tha
last against the re-esiablishmens of slavery -
v J et, ' strong , and decided as is my oppositiba to the
coiirse of Napoleon on the Jlsxicau as-well as the Con
federate question, 1 believe that ihe course of Mr. Lii
coin and Mr. Seward on this question has been marked
:hy great courage, devoted patriotism, and the highest
.statesmanship. I ain not for mingling th’-s or any other :
- question ot foreign or domestic policy with ths mainte- :
nance ofthe.'Jmon.buthave only answered the assaults
of ;adveTO&nes on the 'Mexican and other subordinate
issues. This, npwever, I muet say: that the treaty with
Mexico, by which we abandoned that country, haying
been ratified,; I unopposed to any violation of its provt
Vi lule.l adhere to,the opinions expressed at the
time by me agamtt that treaty; while 1 am opposed to
forems Mexico toto‘barUßibnt IleUeve'diat Napoleon
.thefihird,, unwittingly, by his invaeion,-has caused
Mexico soon to gravitate, by the' overwhelming wish of
her people; into ths arms of the great Republic. Thus
is itthatthe j-rench invasion will have settled forever
m Our favor the question of the American eqnillbrinm
X have published the views expsessedin these letters
on consultation witn no one. They are my own indl
yidual opinions, and I only am responsible for them.
It is quite possible that the‘Administration-may differ
om . 101I 01 ? 6 . 0 , 1 but I am just as independent of
•the Administration as they are of me. fan not and
never,was, a Bepublican,and whilst have been ’false
ly charged in Europe with abandoning my free-trad*
principles, m consequence of the constant and earnest
snpppi t given by me to Mr. Lincoln, it must be remem
hered that amajoruy of his Cabinet of 1553 had baen
Democrats, and supported the tariff of 1846. But the
- tariff is a very question, compared with
the .salvation of the .Union. Besides, if the tariff of
18i6 was changed, it,was not nntil the 2d of March.lB6l.
and the change was caused intentiouaiiy. by the
previous Withdrawal of the Senators and: Eepresenta
tivesof the seceded States from both Houses of Congress
-1 have another answer do this charge.. : I was for ths
free liet of the tariff of 1812, as distinctly stated in my
.first annnal-Treasury report, so as to increase our ex
ports, especially of dyed cotton goods, thereby nro
duemg a coriesponding augmentation of our imiwrto
and levenne. That portion of the act of 1816 was da?
feated hy Mr. Calhoun, much to my regTet, injury, and
annoyance. , ’ *
Besides, the South, by its rebellion, and by than
■forcing on us an enormous Federal debt, has rendered
impossible for many years any : :other tariff hut that
whicn will bring , the. largest revenue. Until this debt
is paid we must have the highest tariff for revenue, and
it can be so arranged as, - while yielding, when the
Union is restored, at least $150,000,000 annually in gold,
atthe same tune to furnish all incidental aid to Amarl
can indnsiry that conld be desired.
_I have thus far disenssed the question as confined to -
ohe contest between the respective candidates forth*
Presidency of the United. States. But letthdse who
think c f supporting General McClellan for the Presiden
cy remember that, in sustaining Mm, they must neces
sarily vote for Mr. Pendleton for the Vice Piesidencv
McClellan and Pendleton are the Siamese twins of Chi!
cago, insepatable, and all who vote for the one, vote at
tnesaice time for the otherv. No voter can casfcLis suffraire
;m this contest, except by voting for an electoral ticket.
, and the same electors for General: McClellan who may
be chosen State are to vote for Mr. Pendleton
for tbe Vice Presidency. ■ In other words, if General
McClellan is chosen President , Mr. Pendleton in elected
at the same time to the Vice Presidency of the United
States. Now, recollect that the Vice Presidentnot only
piesides over the Senate of the United Slates, and gives
itecraUng vote body, but’that. In caseof th* :
death of the President, the Vice Presidentbscomes Pre
sident of the United,, States, Now, two Presidents of •
■the Unitid.States, within the last twenty-three years,
have died during.their term of office (Harrison and . •
: Taylor), as d one of tiem within a znoath after Ms inan*
juration.. Inrboihvtfiese cases, the Vice Presidents .
chosen on the same- electoral ticket with the President,
reversed the:policy: of the President elect. Tyler re- .
versed the policy of Harrison. aisd Fillmore reversed the
policy of Taylor. Why may not the same thine again
-occur, if Mr, Pendleton, by thedeathof General aicDiel
lan, should succeed-him as President? This renders an
inquiry into the course and viewsof Mr. Pendleton a
'question of yital importance.
‘ ' Kow, Mr. Pendleton, as his votes and speeches show,;
is againEt the. wav, for the Union, and has decared the ‘
coercion of a seceding rebel State not only “impraett- >'
cable, 1 ’ but ‘ ‘ unconstitutional..’ ’ His words are, In his
Speech In Congress of the 18th January, IS6I. aftermost ’
of the. Cotton States had seceded: “Sir (he then said) -
the whole scheme 'of coercion is impracticable. It is
contrary to the-fomiiiß and spirit of tlie Constitution.’'
Tn accordance’with these anti-coercion and anti-war
views; he; continued, to vote against the'prosecution of* :
the war, and, against all thegi'eat measures passed for
that purpose. , He: further then said, “if jour differ
ences aie-so great.that you cannot or will not reconcile
them, them, gentlemen, let the seceding States depart in
peace: let them establish their Government and Em
pire, andworkout their destiny, according to the wis
dom which God has givem them. ” This is exactly the
dr ctnueof Jaffersi n Davis, and of all the rebel leaders; ;
. , Let,tis.alone.Let nts alone, while we overthrow
the_(?ovejiiaaaiit and dissolve the Union; let usMlo7ie+
■while we-seize the month of the Mississippi, aad tear
down,; or, shoot down the flag of the Union from every
fort ofihe.i§&ath.Y i Thisis fhelf laisgaage, and the Chi
cago Uouv«mtion might just as well have uomiuated.
Jefferson'Bavis as George H. Pendlefcoit astheihcaiidl
dste fordhe Vice PreMdeacv of the United States, Sack
a nomination of an avowed disumonist shows the true
: spirit of. She. Ghicago Convention, and; that >ll their .
- general expressions of devotion to the Union w er- o mare
/empty sounds, calculated to gecuie votes, bat utterly
false and hypocritical; for, while indulging in these '
Pharisaical expressions of love for the Union, they
nominate; at ,the same .-time, as thejr candidate tor the
vjee Pc&sioent, ah avowed secessioni’stand dlsnntonist.
We have-nothing, to do with the abstract opinions or.
witheaof Mr. Pendleton as regards the Union Jefferson
Davis repeatedly, and np to' the ve?y period of seces-t
sion, sspreseed quite as much devotion to the old flar •».
and the Union as Mr. Pendleton.' But Mr. Davis
soon became the head of the rebellion which Mr. Pen-*
dleton declares we ought not, andhave no constitutional
power to suppress by force. For all practical purposes- ■■■•
V en > Mr » Pendleton is just as much a secessionist and
disumonut as Jefferson Davis. Kor can it be alleged
that. Mr. Pendleton has changed these views/ On the *
contrary, ’fcs late as this year Ke voted in Congress,
against the tei t resolution of Green Clay Smith, of Ken- ‘
tucky, dt: daring; • * that it is the political, 6 civil, moral,
and sacred duty of the people to meet the re
bellion, fight it, crush it, and; forever destroy
it. y -Now, then, the Chicago Convention, with
a lull; knowledge of these votes Hnd speeches, '
nominated Mr. .Pendleton- for . the ,1 Vice P*esi- -
dency,and contingently forthePi-esidency of the United
States. They knew full well that Bfr. Pendleton had
declared the effort to crush the rebellion impracticable t
and unconstitutional, and that, therefore, if the power v
they proposed to give him were ratified by his election,
he could/and under his oath. <rf office to snpport the .
Constitution, he mu6t, disband our armies, terminate
the war, and permit the dissolution of the Union to 'be
consummated; or„ he, might,repeat his own words ot '•
1861: ‘/Let the seceding States, depart in peace; let them t
establish their Government and empire, and work out .
, their destiny according to; the wisdom which God has
gi-ven them. ” It is, then* £»sufficienc objection .to the „
Chicago candidatestbat Mr.' Pendleton, one of thecau
didateSi inseparably connected with General McClellan
on the same electoral ticket* is, as we have .seen, op- *
posed to the war, and for all-practical purposes as much
a secessionist anddieunionist as Jeff? rson Davis, v This !
being clear, if General McClellan _is really for the war -
to save the union, bycr ashing the' rebellion, he must •
refuse to run on the.sajae elecioral ticket with Mr/ Pen.-' 1
dlefou; ard if he dees, not the people.and.history will
assign to hun thei same position.; % cannot lend his' ;
name to aidthe election oXMr. Pendletoni on the same
iisket with himsalf, und profess devotion to the Union J
The re _is yet; an other point oni which Iwouli say a.
w e p^ oc Q«dingßOf the-Canada :
Confederates, and their Northern allies, and the ont
goings oi the Sichmond preis, £ conclude that their last
;;snggestion is this :1 wo dr more confederacies, North
ern,^Southsrn,jfaddle, New<Bnglaid. Northwest, Mis-.
and Pacific.* They are to -be united by free,
trede between them all, -and by an alliance offensive,
and defensive. That Is, whenever any one. of these-.
confedeiaciesgo towar. wearetojointhemintheconr .:
flict; Namely, .if the Southern Confederacy wishes to*,
conqusr and' annex Cuba or Porto Bico, or
and extend slavery to Central America.
low6*;w.e ara to join them in tb« war. and Bustam^l^m.
vwnment finch an alliance is visionary,, vainotts, ,
and riSraiticTblo.. It is Simply a scheme to* eeenr*.
S< Then l aSoihef«e < traiB *o he zaenred 'Ey treat', iw
‘Jf.n several confederacies. BecoUectthateachof'
r'if ff nations hto be. foreign and mdepondent. and, to
v< have its separate’treaties WitK-foreigu. Powers.'-Howi
lons wonld.such treaties an* such an aUiance .last?
Why.Uße flag of : the South-wonld‘scarcely*float oven ;
the monthof the Chesapeaks and Mississippi .before the.
conflict with as of views, snd Measures’would begin,
i uovfed and promoted by foreign Powers, where, each off .
the'ne w confederacies would have' its separate minis-,
ters, npresentm* aistihet and discordant interests
Wben have snch alliances or treaties lasted even for
balfa'centuty? Whereare all the leagues of antiquity
or of modem Europe ?. Where are all snoh leagues ana
reattes even. M.thef last centurv? Where is onr ojra .
. illiance with France of .1775? Where are alt snoh alli
encekand. treaties evui of the first half of the
-pniTir* v ; They. are all extinguished-. Experience
-■roves—th# voice of history proclaims-that treriiaa or
;ri)iances between independent Powers are always oi
horttaprattor,'being soon swept before tlragas^o^
eoniendip,passions; or.melted in the; er?o>We«f
aktifiginterests. Whereis ths < ?|S^, r „ a I> t ® .-5g 1 g r eat En
sroat, of 1814 and ISIS of Vienna, hetwerotnagreaL
roiean powers,estaWtshing/OTtCTgvby a cog c uqjm
, rower r i? there a ,a*w