The press. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1857-1880, October 22, 1864, Image 1

JOS SALE,
AB BELOW THE PRESENT GOLD PRICES.
Very rich Watered Silks.
Idagnlfloent Moire Antique.
Very heavy Colored Corded Silks.
Very heavy Colored Plata Silks.
Beautiful Shades of Colored Ottoman Silks.
New Styles of Fancy Figured Silks,
yery heavy Blaek Corded Silks,
yery heavy rich glossy Blaok Silks.
Black Silks of all kinds cheap.
4-4 Mantilla Silk Velvets.
l EDWIN HALL & 00., ,
No. 26 South SECOND Street.
iclß-tuthsSt -;
BEATER REDUCTIONS.
X'KBNCH CECCNT23ES
Reduced to
*5O.
ALL NEW AND CHOICE STYLES.
FRENCH CHINTZES
Reduced to
BLA-CKHEKS,
80 PEB OBNT. BSLOW CtOLD PRICES,
AMERICAN DELAINES 40c.
EW STYLES DARK PRINTS,
Past Colors, 31&o.
UNBLEACHED COTTON FLANNELS,
Good Qualities, 400.
all dress ooodb at reduced prices.
H. STEEL & SON,
(K)l7-Bt Nos. Tl 3 and 715 North TENTH Street
INTER HOSIERY
DETAIL AND WHOLESALE.
JT. JME. HATTiBIGH;
No. 903 CHESTNUT STREET,
Isa now In *tor* * 101 l assortment of Hi* celebrated
iskes of'
ENGLISH HOSIERY,
•SALBBIOGAH HOSE AND BAW HOSB,
BKETTLB’S HOSB, SHIBTS, AH D BBAWBBS,
EXTRA HBAVT SILK SHIBTS AHD DRAWEES.
IN Alil< SIZES, FOB GENTLEMEN.
ocS-tf
MMENBB REDUCTION IN THE
PRICES
DRY GOODS.
\mm R. CAMPBELL & GO.,
m CHESTNUT STREET,
C7FBE THEIR ENTIRE STOCK 0?
dry goods,
ooirsi&TntQ is past oi
stEEINOES,
POPLINS AND REPS,
EPINGLLNES,
CLAN PLAIDS,
ALPACAS AND MOHAIRS,
BLACK AND FANOY SILKS,
SHAWLS, GLOVES,
' LINENS, WHITE GOODS,
FLANNELS, BLANKETS,
LINEN AND COTTON
SHEETINGS,
; BEPELLANTS AND
CLOAKING CLOTHS,
AT EXTREMELY LOW KATES.
We beg leave to aisuro the public that we hare
sacked down every article in onr stock, and now hare
•t in onr power to offer
BARB BARGAINS.
o*6-tf ■-■■■■■■ ' ■ \ :
PLACE TO BTJY
i. C. ami-WBKCDGIS <t CC,
NORTHWB3T CORSES
EIGHTH AND MARKET STREETS,
Have always in stock a full line of
I BOOTOH TABLE LINENS, Damask and Spot.
f IKISH TABLE LINENS, Damask and Spot.
» BARNSLEY TABLE LINENS, extra heavy.
! TOWELS, NAPKINS, and DOYLIES,
f BHEBTING and PILLOW LINENS.
A 8” Liberal Inducements to Hotels, Boarding Schools,
did purchasers of large lots. se2B-tuthatf
LACE CURTAINS! J79Q
LACE CURTAINS! ***•
FBENOH LACE CUBTAINS.
SWISS LACE CURTAINS.
NOTTINGHAM LACE CURTAINS.
APPLICATION LACE CURTAINS.
LACE AND MUSLIN CURTAINS.
New and beautiful styles of the above goods at the
Curtain and Window Shade Store of
KELTY, UAKRINGTON’, & GO.,
Ho. 733 CHBSTHDT Street,
723,
m
oc4 Inthilmfp
A MAGNIFICENT STOCK OF DRESS
cV- GOODS
JBLOW THE PEESENT QOLD PEICEB.
PTm'B'best Irish'Popllns. - , ■
Corded Irish Fop ins, anewarticle, .
Irish Poplins, reduced from $4 to $3.
I Splendid Fluid French Poplins. V
German Fluid Poplins. .
Beautiful Plaid French Merinoes.. -
Kich Printed All Wool Da Laiaes.
Blch Printed Merinoeß. .
Very fine Plain French Merinoes.
; Very fine Plain Cashmeres. , - ,
White and Black Merinoes and Cashmeres,
: Double-width Da L&ines, beautiful shades.
Fine Black*donble-width De Laines.
Silk-faced Poplins, beautiful shades.
Heavy-cord Bl&rk and Colored Poplins.
Fine All-Wool Beps, beautiful shades.
Plain Silk and Wool Poplins,
i Poplins in every variety. ■ _ .
N. B.—Daily receiving, from the New Tprk and Phi
ladelphia Auctions, bargains in Dress Goods.
t Several lots of very good sty les of Plaid Valencias, a
of,American JDe Baines..
EDWIN HACL & CO.,
ocl7-xn-W6.lt B 6 Sonth SECOND Street.
O-OOD GOODS REDUCED.
■or. NOT auction soods.
/All-wool Poplini *t $1.87K.
Good FrenchMerinoeo at $1 G2>4, ,
Striped Glaoi Poplins at sl.37>s-
Brocade Poplins at $1» $1.25,51.62K, and $1.75,
to Ko.
CafStdex»n3n«. Sfotrcmble ) to i *howth™at gi
TO3 ARCH Street,
dlankets. .
Finest AxnoriflflJi -p rt »> Ir ia'iflii **
Extra large “ Fremltim Roefcdaies.
“perflne*“Merrima«k- „
WeU-knowa‘'HpUatHl*.
10-4 and 11-410VrPrie9d,BlajOt8U,
, Crib and Cradle
nom cheapest to «JM*t, Of MMT ®“ tifl ratas
oextralargehed,
B. %. eoraar ETIiSITH and MA RKIT.
4 FINE ASSOBTMENT OF SHAWL
for sale below tho present gold prices,
long Brocho Shawls, open centreß.
long Brocks Shawls, flfied centres.
'Square Broche Shawls, open centreß. ,
'Square BrooheShawls,,* 'led centres. •
Bleb Plaid and Stripe Blanket Shawls.
Square, Plaid, and Stripe Blanket Shawls,
long and square Black Thibet Shawls,
4-4 Mantilla Velvets, ;pnre silk.
Frosted and other Beaver Cloths.
Cloaks ready made;
oclf-tf
a STEEL & SON HAVE NOW
Plata Merlnoes, *l.2g to SS, Plata Poplins,
-
D«« Goods, all
'j Bri THK S TEESIHT COST OP IMPOBTATIOH; ■
SILKS—Of all kindi, a treat variety, from 75 *ents
PKICKS. - .
SHAWLS—A latte assortment, at a small advance
.wr l«t , 1S Horth TENTH Street, i
MBRINOEB, POPLINS,
XL Bep«, Bpingliues, Clan Plaldß, _
Alpacas. Mohairs, and other Dress flood*!
Qhean at iAS. H. CAMPBELL & CO. 'S,
vaeap at •>*» Tat CHESTS PT Street.
&SILK SHAWLS,^
aiovM^nenifanl B^lll4 ® Goods,
<lheaDat **’ ““ jil. K. CAMPBELL & CO.’S,
eneap at . : "• T9T QHEBTNPT Street.
«eap at JAB. a, QBEBTHPT Street.
ALL WHO-' WANT M3OOD . DRY
at th,
ns-la “v”>ai ohjsthijt Stew*.
•^RETAH.DiB.Y' GOODS.
Q.REAT SAL.e'oF
Of every shade and quality In the cauntry. For choice
Goods, call at the
QOCXFJLDX& Sc CONARD,
EDWIH HALL & CO.,
»6 South SECOND Street.
VOL. 8.-NO.V2.
C O A T X N <5 S,
POE LADIES AN:
PROSTEDS,
VELOURS,
CHINCHILLAS,
TRICOTS,
CLOTH STORE
WM. T. SNODGRASS,
34 Booth SECOND Street, and
33 STBAWBEBKJT Street.
ocl7-lm
MX* ohestd ot street. __
EMBROIDERIES, .
I' LACES, l
g■ - o
* WHITE GOODS. 1
I . VEILS, 1
3s
0.. ,^|^WI>3Saai?,CIIEESE , iS., |
IPS* CHESTNUT STREET. -
NINTH AND MARKET STREETS,
HAVE FULL ASSORTMENTS OP
LADIES’ CLOAKINGS,
COATINGS AND OVERCOATINGS,
FANCY OASSIMERES,
FLANNEL SKIRTINGS,
BLANKETS AND FLANNELS,
SHEETINGS AND SHIRTINGS,
SHAWLS AND MADDS,
LADIES’ FALL CLOAKS.
se24-smw3m : . . '' ■
COMMISSION HOUSES.
jjazard & Hutchinson,
No. 118 CHESTNUT STREET,
COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
FOR TUB SALS OF
ciyl-6m] PHILADELPHIA- MADE GOODS.
MILITARY GOODS.
j’lags I^'flagsTT^T^^
CAMPAIGN FLAGS,
BUNTING AND SILK,
OF EVERY DESCRIPTION.
SWORDS,
: - SASHES,
. BELTS,
Together with a full assortment of
MILITARY GOODS,
EVANS' lIASSAXiL, .
418 IBOH Street,
OCI4-IXO fn
CARPETS AMR; OIC-CCOTHS. -
1864.
gixjeinectiq ;: '
FALL
1864.
GERMANTOWN.
MeCALLUM & CO.,
CARPET WAREHOUSH,
509 CHESTNUT STREET,
PHILADELPHIA:
1864. 1864.
: :: McCAILUM: &CO.,
RETAIL DEPARTMENT.
• *l9 CHESTNUT STREET,
«el7-3m OPPOSITE INDEPENDENCE HALL.
OARPETS J CARPETS 1 CARPETS 1
CLOSING OUT LATE IMPORTATIONS 80 PER CENT.
. LESS THAN PRESENT GOLD RATES.;
FRENCH AND ENGLISH AXMINSXERS.
WILTONS OF ENTIRE NEW PATTERNS.
YELVETS AND TAPESTRIES, Wide Goods.
With a largo assortment of
THREE-PLY AND INGRAIN CARPETS.
NEW VENETIANS, PALATINE, AND DAMASK.
DRUGGETTS.
WELL-SEASONED OIL CLOTHS, So.. So.
JAMES H..OENE & 00.,
Gao CHESTNUT STKEBT,
lel7-gtnth2ffl. . Below Seventh.
DRUGS.
CASH DRUG HOUSE.
WRIGHT & SID E>ALL,
*O. 118 BASKET BTBEET,
Between ?EOHT end SECOND Street!.
E. W. WEIGHT.
BETJGOISTSi PHYSICIANS, AND GE
NEJKAIi STOKEKEEPEES
dan find at ota establishment a-fall assortment
of Imported and Domestic Drags, Popular Pa-.-
tent Medicines, Paints, Coal Oil, Window (Has*.
Prescription Vials, etc., at as low prise* a* genu
ine, first-class good* can be soul.
FINE ESSENTIAL OILS,
or Confectioners. In full variety and of the best
6 CoclSneal, Bengal Indigo, Madder, Pot Ash,
Cudbear, Soda Ash, Alum, Oil of Vitriol, Annat
io, Copperas, Extract of Logwood, Sc,,
FOB DYERS* USB,
Always on hand at lowest net cash prices.
SULPHITE OF LIME,
for keeping cider sweet; a perfectly harmless
preparation, put up, with tail directions for use,
In packages containing sufficient for one barrel.
Orders by, mall or city .post wiU meet with
prompt attention; or special quotations will be
furnished when requested.
WEIGHT & SIDDALL,
WHOLESALE DBDQ WABBHODSB,
Ho. 119 MABKET Street, above PKONT.
dei-thstnly-fp . . ' ' ' '
rpjßoW AWAY YOUR MATCHES.-
Bave yonr Wall Paners, by using the Patented
ELECTRICAL GAS-BRACKET,
now in operation and for sale at
SGI-lONEMAN’S
GAS-PITTING ESTABLISHMENT,
■ 53? BACK street. ■
This Bracket dispenses with the nee of Matches, and
Is bo simple that any child can light it. Call and see it
for yourself. ___ oclB-6t*fp 1
jg J. WILLIAMS,
HO. 16 NOETH SIXTH STBBBT,
Manufacturer of s
VENETIAN BLINDS
■; AHD
WINDOW SHADES.
*T The hardest and Finest Assortment ta the eity at
■ the ■
lowest peices.
US' Kepairing attended to promptly.
'*»- Store Shades Made and Lettered. ielo-2ns
ROOKING GLASSES.
JAMES S. EARLE A SON,
81« CHHSTKUT BTBEBT. PHIL A.,
Ut« now in store * W in# wmortmant of
LOOK-ING GLASSES,'
ofO'Wry«luu**t**< oftli*
?3X? BEST KAKOTACTDKB ABB LATBBT SZXLR
OIL PA3HTIHGS, ENG-KAVINOS,
PIGTBM ABB PHOTGQXAPH 7XAXXB.
C AMrA,GH BU>«
BADGES MADE TO ORDER FOE CLUBS
In u r Agent, ;
Rooms 8 Mid 10,
400 QUfiSTKUX Stie«V
ocJE-W
GENTLEMEN.
SCOTCH FLAIDS,
BASKETS,
VELVETS,
MIXTURES, ka., ko.
1. H. SIDDALL.
CTORTAIK «00»8.
QSA. "&> *>•
I WIM* OFFER
MY ENTIRE STOCK
LACE WMMm
FORTY PEB CSENT.
LESS THAN COST OF IMPORTATION*
I. E. .WALBATEN,
SUCCESSOR TO W. H. CAKKYL.
MASONIC HAIIIII
719 CHESTNUT STREET*
oe6-tf v. «
SEWING- MACHINES.
rnHB FLORENCE
A- THE FLORENCE
THB FLORENCE
THB FLORENCE '
THE FLORENCE ,
THE FLORENCE ‘
THB FLOKENOB
thi Florence gswlßra MACHINES.
SEWING MACHINES.
SEWING MACHINES,
SEWING MACHINES,
SEWING MACHINES,
SEWING MACHINES, W
SEWING MACHINES,
sewing Miasmas,
tSO CHESTNUT STREET.
■ 630 CHESTNUT STREET,
- 630 CHESTNUT STREW.
630 CHESTNUT STREET.
630 CHESTNUT STREET.
' 630 CHESTNUT STREET.
630 CHESTNUT STREET.
630 CHESTNUT STREET.
SIUJBL A BR¥ GOODS JOBBERS.
FALL,I BTOCK j FULL,
1604 } SOW IS STORE, (ISCS4.
;
U9B. 815 Chestnut 5nd...814' Jayne Streets,
IMPORTERS AND JOBBERS OF
■ SILRS ASD FAKC¥' RR¥ fiOOBS,
. SHAWLS, LINENS, -
AND WHITE GOODS.
A LARGB AND HANDSOME STOCK OF
DRESS GOODS.
FULL LINE OF FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC
BALBtORALS,
: INCLUDING BRUNER’S AND OTHER MAKES.
, ango-Sm ■ ■ '■ -■ __
CLOTHING.
■gDWARD F. KELLY,
JOHN KELLY.
TAILORS,
612 CHESTNUT STREET,
Will from this date (October 84) sell at
REDUCED PRICES,
GAS B I
oe4-tf
, GENTS’ FURNISHING GOODS.
§25 ARCH STREET. g*2s
K, E M O V A. E.
MANUFACTORY, AND GENTLEMEN’S
FURNISHING EMPORIUM,
REMOYED FROM fO6 ARCH STREET
; - 1 10 THE NEW STORE,
335 ARCH STREET.
ielLfsJnwUm ■
WALL PAPERS.
pHIIADEaLPHIA
WALL PAPERS.
HOWELL & BOURKB,
N. E. CORNER FOURTH AND MARKET STREETS,
Manufactorere of
PAPER HANGINGS,
WINDOW CURTAIN PAPERS,
LINEN SHADES AND HOLLANDS,
SOLID GREEN AND BUFF,
CHOCOLATE GROUNDS, FIGURED, AND PLAIN
SHADES,.:'
To which we invite the attention of
STOREKEEPERS. «el2-mws 2m
WKEWORRS.
J^IREWORKS.
The undersigned, at their
FIREWORE DEPOT,
no SOUTH WHARVES, BELOW CHESTNUT ST.
Hare now on hand ft great variety of WORKS, pre'
pared expressly for Exhibitions, Including
SOCKETS, BEKGOLA LIGHTS, &C„ &C.
They have had also prepared a number of
TORCH-LIGHTS,
ESPBESSI.T FOB
night parades,
J)S®* Which will burn for Beveral hours, and may be
held in the hand.
JOSEPH B, BUSSIER & C 0„
ocl-stnthluoS : DEALERS IN EIRE WORKS.
STATIONERY A, BLANK BOOKS.
VtfL, MINING, COAL, AND OTHER
\J hew companies.
We are prepared to furnish Hew Corporations with all
the Books they ; reanlre, at short notice and low prices,
of first qnallty. All styles of Binding.
STEEL ELATE CERTIFICATES OF STOCK,
.LITHOGRAPHED ” "
TRANSFER BOOK,
ORDERS OF TRANSFBE,
STOCK LEDGER,
STOCK LEDGER BALANCES,
REGISTER OF CAPITAL STOCK.
BROKER’S PETTY LEDGER,
ACCOUNT OF SALES,'
DIVIDES® BOOK.
./ MOSSA OO.j :
BLANK BOOK MANUFACTURERSAND STATIONERS,
TJENRY HTJDDY,
11 Distiller and Wholesale Dealer in
PURE OLD BOURBON,
MONONGAHELA, BYE, AND WHEAT
WHISKIES,
• • 145 NORTH SECOND STREET, .
_l. ■ Below Bac-e, Phila
EENKY HUDBY, [ocl9-3m] ISAAC J. EVANS.
S, PIBTOLS, BKATEB.
PHILIP WILSOifiCO.,
. T 409 CHESTJTOT SfafMt,:
Manufacturers and Importers of
Fine Bans. Pistol*.
. Gunning and Fishing Tackle,
Canes, Powder, Shot,
Wads, Caps, &c.
Guns Eestoeked, Eebored, and Kepalred in the b**l
manner,
lee-tl
SKATES Of AXE KINDS.
409 CHESTMOT Street.
T ATOBR’B OLTVB 01L.—400 BAS-
Jjv.l, fresb Latour’e OUre Oil, in lots to souths
fM sals bT . SHODBB it WILLIAMS,
W SoathTWATEB stmt, :
PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1864
%\t f uss.
- Off Tilß
UNION STATE CENTRA! COMMITTEE
ROOMS OF THE UsJOW STATE CENTRAX* OOH,,
Philadelphia, Ootober 21,1864.- -
To the Loyal Men of Pennsylvania:
Tho smoke of the first engagement has oleared
away, and upon the vote of her citizens at home
-Pennsylvania stands by the Government of our
fathers, while her brave sons in the field will not
give let's than twelve thousand majority for the
good cause. The last hope, therefore, of the sup
porters of General McClellan has disappeared, and
the only result of continuing to sustain him Is to
give eld abd comfort to the rebellion by increasing
the appearance of disunion among ourselves.
General Sheridan dealt a terrible blow to treason
on Wednesday, and every patriot’s heart thrilled
with joy upon hearing It, but a great majority for
Abraham Lincoln in Pennsylvania would be far
more fatal to the armed conspiracy against the
Union and the Constitution. Every vote for our
tried and faithful President will paralyze some arm
raised to shoot down the Hag, while every vote for
the base surrender at Chicago, and the men who
carry its white flag, will encouiago some rebel to
shoot another Northern soldier. The ticket nomi
nated by Yallandigham, Wood, and. Seymour is
how black with treason, and after it is voted will be
fed with the blood of our brothers fighting for us. The
war has existed for tkelast year only by reason of our
divisions, and its continuance to-day is solely owing
to the activity of the disunion party of the North
and the platform of its Convention. While any
hope remained of the eleotion of its candidates,
plausible excuses might be found by misguided men
for giving them their suffrages'; but. after the; ver
dicts of Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Ohio,
Indiana, and Pennsylvania, all sensible persons
know that the election Is already decided by tho
people, and that it only remains to ascertain the
majorities. It follows, therefore, that every vole for
McClellm and Pendleton is an'earnest invitation to >■
Jefferson Davis to continue this fearful war to waste
■more of our treasure and to murder others of Our
sons. ;,
The sublime spectacle of a united North will end
the war. We invoke all patriots to lend their ef
forts unceasingly to produce this result; By per
fecting the ward and township organizations; by the
circulation of documents; by public addresses, espe
cially by local speakers; by earnest personal efforts
with honest but mistaken men; by making arrange
ments to bring every loyal voter to the polls ; by.
sending tax receipts to every soldieT and sailor ; by
the Immediate formation of campaign clubs in
every borongh and community ; by great meetings
of the people by daylight and by torchlight, and
by all the honest agencies of an active and thorough
canvass, appealing to the patriotic zeal and kindling
the patriotic enthusiasm of a great and loyal Com
monwealth, we can attest the fealty of our State to.
the flag of the Union by a majority worthy of the
historic character of the contest and of the groat
issues dependent upon it.
Forward, then, every lover of his country to this
good work! Looking- not to . the past but. to the
future; forgetting all personal considerations, and
appreciating the privilege of some sacrifice for Li
:herty and the Union, let us relax no effort until the
polls are closed. This committee will continue to
do its whole duty, and relies upon your instant, ear
nest, and constant assistance.
Grant’s maroh-of valor and of glory from the Ka
pidan to the James Bealed the fate of the rebellion.
Since then Sherman has turned its left wing. Far.
xagut Is closing its avenues of escape. Sheridan
has sent its vanguard again whirling down the val
ley. It only remains for us to sound the eharge
along the whole line, and wrapping our-ballots
around our brothers’ bullets* march to the peaceful,
final triumph which awaits us in November!
Proclaiming the war to bo a failure, George B.
McClellan is himself the greatfailure of the war—a
general without a victory—a statesman without a
record; and if we are faithful, history will add to
his epitaph that he was a candidate for the Presi
dency without an electoral vote. Let us all, there
fore, labor without ceasing. In memory of our
burled martyrs, in regard for the wounds of our liv
ing heroes,,to guard liberty from Its,deadly peril,
and the Union from Its treasonable foos, la the inte
rest of religion, and In the hope of the Republic of
the future, loyal-men of Pennsylvania, forward to
: victory! , ;
In behalf of the Committee,
SIMON CAMERON, Chairman.
.A. W. Bbwbdiot, ) s ecr etarles, - ■
' Wibn.Fokkbt, . . .
To the Editor of The Press:
Sib: I cut the following from the Now York Jour
nal of Commerce, Oct. 20: ...
; Sheridan reports to Grant that, In'moving down
the Valley to Woodstock, he has burned.over two ,
thousand barns filled with wheat, hay, and farming
ififplements, and over; seventy mills filled, with
flour and wheat. This was dons by order of Grant
himEelf, the commander of all the Yankee armies.
V U is only the execution in part of the order to de
stroy everything in the Talley that will sustainltfe.
The.fell work is still going on. ..Now,, it is an idle
, waste of words to denounce this sort of war. We
have simply to regard It as a practical matter, and
. ask ourselves how it Is to be met. There is one
effectual wav, and only one that we know of, to ar
: rest and prevent ..this and every other sort, of atro-:
city—ana that is to burn one of the chief cities of:
the enemy, say Boston. Philadelphia, or Cincinnati,:
and let its fate hang over the othersas a warning o:
what may be done, and wlll.be done to them, if the
present system of war on the -part of the enemy is
continued.,./': „ . '
If- we are asked how such a thing canbe done—we
answer, nothing would be easier. A million of. dol
lars would lay the proudest city of the enemy In
ashes. The men to execute the work are already ,
there. There would he no difficulty in finding
there, here, or in Canada, suitable persons to take
charge 61 the enterprise and: arrange its details.
Twenty--men,- with plans all . preconcerted, and
1 means nrovided, selecting some dry, windy night,
{ might fire Boston In a hundred places, and wrap it
inflames from centre to suburo. They might ro
taliate on Richmond, Charleston* etc ? Let them
do so, if they'dare rlt is a game at which we can
heat them. New York is worth twenty Richmonds.
I They have a dozen towns to our one, and in their
towns is centred nearly all their wealth. It would
| be immoral and barbarous 1 It is not Immoral or
I barbarous to defend yourself by any means, or with
I any weapon the enemy may employ for your de
struction. They chose to substitute the tofehfor
( the sword. We may so use their own weapon as to
I make them repent, literally in sackcloth:and ashes,
I that they ever adopted It, If.the Executive is not
I ready for this,.we commend, tbe matter to the secret
I deliberations of the Congress about to meet'. ~
*3S OHESTEUT Street
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1864.
address
TO THE
LOYAL MEN OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Rebel Diabolism
RETALIATION THREATENED,
From the Biclimond Whig. Oct. 15 3
Soi then, our cities are to bo destroyed by incen
diaries, and 11 the men to execute the work” are ;
already' among us! Who are they’ Are they ;
Southern rebel spies, or are they our own native
Copperhead sympathizers! It is believed that there i
are thousands of rebel spies at this hour in Phila
delphia. every one of whom would gladly see the
city in ruins. Is this article from-the, Richmond
.fF6.fp published.by our Copperhead "newspapers for
-the purpose of stimulating these wretches to commit
the act? These men are, no doubt, well known to.:
the police. Shall we wait; till they .execute the;
orders of their rebel masters, and; lay the city In
' ashes, or shall we send them back to the place from
whence they came before they accomplish their
hellish design ?
The Whig says we might retaliate on Richmond,
Charleston, &c., but that that Is a game at which
;they can boat us. We do not exactly see how wo
■can retaliate'on “ Richmond, Charleston,. &e.,’’ ini:
the way suggested, as we are not aware that South
ern hospitality has received, protected, and cher
ished, in those cities, the people of the North with.
Union feelings, as we have done the Southern vipers
which tho Whig tells us are now ready to sting us
| to death. That they can beat us at such a game we
readily admit; and at.every game whore lying,per
jury, perfidy, and villainy are' necessary to success,
r An articlein*the Richmond Dispatch, October 17th,
comparing'Heischel T. Johnson’s views on the
peace propositions with those of Messrs. Stephens
and Brown, of Georgia, and Mr. Boyce, of South
Carolina, has the following passage: “As we are
the party acting on the defensive, while the Yan
kees are still, as they have been from the beginning,
the aggressors, he" (Mr. Johnson) “ does not think
it altogether becoming In us to make the first pro:
I poßai.” ’; ; ?\
Can It be possible that the Dispatch for a moment
believes that any or its readers, or any intelligent
person In the civilized world, cahhave forgotten the
attack on Fort Sumpter, and the years :of prepara
tion on the part of the Southern rebels for the war
they are now waging against the Government? The
' “ Yankees,” as these mendacious rebels Insultingly
call the loyal Northern people, little dreamed of
war, until the bombardment ot Sumpter aroused
them to the necessity of self-protection. And yet
this barefaced, unblushing falsehood Is-continually
repeated, not only In the Southern newspapers but
by every sneaking,'.venomous Copperhead in our
midst. But to return to the subject just mentioned-
I As the rebels have given us duo notice that they
I have men at the North ready to burn our cities; and
r our Copperhead newspapers are reminding these
men of what they axe expected to do, does it not be
come ns to take measures to protect ourselves before
the blaze of our consuming dwellings proves it to be
too late ? O- P. Q-
The Word “Copperbeatl” Defined.
To the Editor of The Press :
Sib: For the benefit of those who cannot'find the
word “Copperhead” in tho dictionary, I give tho
following analysis: ; -
-v C onspiraoy.
O ppoeition to tho war.
P eace on any terms.
■ Piracy-'.'
E nmlty to the Union.
• R ecognition of the U. S. A.
H atred to the Government.
E arnest sympathy for traitors.
Adiarchy. .
It lsloyalty.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
. W. M., Orderly Sergeant 14th Maine Vols.
Pobt Ricbmosd, Psix.aua., Oct. 17,1884.-
Tho rebel raider Wheeler is only • twenty five
years old and very small. He Is a ladieß’ mun. At
a ball In Carlisle, Penna, just bolore the war, he
.got tight, and becoming aware that the ladies were
turning up their noses.at him, he soliloquized thus:
“ Wheeler, you’re drunk! Wheeler, the galß are
laughing at you! Wheeler, you’d better go home!”
and ho old.
P 0 UTICA!.,
81-LECH OF HOK, EDWARD EVERETT AT FANEUIL
HALL.
The Hon. Edward Everett delivered an eloquent
and logical oration to an immense audience In
Faneuil Hall, Boston, on Wednesday afternoon,
Horn which we take the annexed paragraphs.
Of tho modern, 11 Democracy ” Mr, Everett said :
If we look to those features of the modern Demo
cratic policy, more or less connected with the pre
sent state of affairs, we shall surely find no reason
ior. entrusting that party with the Government
at a moment like this. The Virginia and Ken
tucky resolutions of : 98. and ’99, notwithstanding
the protest of Mr. Madison, were the arsenal from
which the most dangerous weapons of nullification
and secession have been and. are drawn. One of
their leading principles was embodied in the reso
lutions of the Democratic Convention of Massac
chiisettslast year. The first opeb-and successful
revolt against the authority of the Federal Govern
ment—the expulsion of the. Indians from Georgia—
attended as it was with tho violation of the
faith of seventeen treaties, and followed by a most
iniquitous partition of their lands, by a land
lottery—was a Democratic measure. So was the
Seminole war, in which the United States expended.
$160,000,000 to create a new slave .State and enable
Georgia to recover a lew" hundred fugitive slaves. -
Notwithstanding our just eemplalnts against the
Mexican Government, the great political ad van
tages of the acquisition of the Mexican provinces,
and the blessings which might have redounded to
the cause of universal humanity by the extension of
the Anglo-Saxon civilization into; those vast half
desert and ill-governed.Tegions, the manner in which
the Texan,annexation was effected, and the Mexican
war commenced, caused those measures to; bo op
posed by every Whig member of Congress. Mr.
Webster particularly was unsparing in his denun
ciations, and this at the time of their inception, and
before Texas had repaid the two hundred millions
she bad cost the United States by the blackest in
.gratitude and treachery. •
But the mest'disastfons measures of the modern
Democracy; connected also directly, with the pre
sent state of the country, wore the repeat of the
Missouri restriction'fwhich for thirty-four years had.
been, accepted, South afid North; as an adjustment
of the territorial controversy j and the acts, both of
fraud and violence, employedto: force slavery upon
the people of Kansas. Talleyrand was accustomed,
to say that the invasion of Spain was worse than a
crime—it was afahit. The Kansas policy of the last
two Administrations was both wrong in principle and
ruinous in effect The fountains of the great deep,
partially stilled by the legislation of 1850, were again
broken up by a tempest of sectional agitation. I
need not dwell on the immediate and powerful
agency of these measures In causing the present
state of things, nor comment on the strange incon
sequence of again bringing the Democratic party
into power, prostrated as it; was by the odium of
these very measures, under the idea that they alone
can rescue the country irom the distressful condl-
tiori into which, they had so directly contributed to
plunge it. v
The speaker referred as follows to the subjects of
slavery and the emancipation proclamation:
■While the non-interference with slavery, the cause
or pretext of the war, by the Government of the
United States, produced not the slightest effect in
the way of conciliating the rebels, whom it loft in
the undisturbed possession of what they regard as a
chief sourcehf strength in carrying on the war, it
was rapidly losing us tho sympathyof Europe, where
theiremissaries did not scruple to adduce thievery
noh-ihterierence as a proof that “ slavery had no-"
thing to do with the contest.” Without gaining
anyihinghy forbearance at home, we were allowing
the tide of public opinion to run against us abroad,
and materially increasing the danger of hostile in
tervention, on the professed grounds that it was re
quired by the interests of humanity, and that slavery
had nothing to do with the struggle. , ,
It was under these circumstances that the Presi
dent, as Commander-In-Chief of the armies of the
United States, felt himself warranted in drawing
this new weapon from the armory of the public
law. Considering that slavery, either as motive or
pretext, had caused the war, that it strengthened
the. rebels with the physical power' of 600,000
able-bodied men, -inhabitants of the South,' and
owing allegiance to the United St ates; that besides.
the employment of one-half of this number in
direct military service in forts,; field works, and,
general camp labor, It released an equal number of.
white men from agricultural labor, and other
mestic employments at home, thus increasing to
that extent the force of their armies, while in
many cases the slaves themselves were; actually
armed and accompanied their masters to the field j
considering further that it had been shown by the
experience of eighteen months’ war, that the appre
hension of a servile insurrection so generally enter
tained was groundless; considering that the con
tinued forbearance 1 of the United States toward
slavery was weakening us in that public opinion,
which Is the ultimate ruling power in the J civilized
world, and in various ways aiding and strengthen
ing the cause of the rebellion abroad; the Govern
ment of the United States, warranted by clear prin
ciples of the law of. nations, and in the exercise, of
the undoubted right of a belligerent in a just war,
declared, by the President’s proclamation of the 22d
September, 1862, that, after the first day of January
next ensuing, the slaves in States then in rebellion:
should he free, and that compensation should be
made to loyal citizens. ~' ■ ■
.: Such iB the history of these proclamations. l am
not pledged to their defence. My opinion of such a
measure was inform ally asked in advance, by a
member-of the Cabinet, and I expressed, in reply, a
doubt of its policy, though I added that I had no
doubt of its constitutionality. I did not regard it
as a measure of great practical importance. I con
sidered slavery as doomed, aB Mr. Stephens warned
his fellow-citizens it would-be, by the operations of
the war, and by what particular" instrumentality,
or in what precise form, provided it was constitu
tionally done, was of no greatmbment. have no
belief,-however, that the . measure has had the
slightest effect in increasing the difficulty of pacifi
cation. The governing class will hold out for Inde
pendence till their military, power is crushed.
When .that Is done, the mas£ea,WiUrise.and demand
'ptace^*
I will add that it is very.doubtful whether any aot
of the Government of the United States was neces
sary to liberate the slaves in a State which is in
rebellion. There is much reason for the opinion
that, by the simple act of levying'war against the
United States, the relation of slavery was tormina-;
ted—certaiDiy so .far as concerns the duty of the
United States to recognize it; or to refrain from in
terfering with it. -Not being founded,on the law .of
nature, and resting solely on positive local law, and
thatnot of the United States,-as soon as it becomes 1
either the motive or pretext of an unjust war against
the Union—an efficient instrument in the hands pf
the rebeis for carrying on the war—a source oi mili
tary strength to: the rebellion and of danger to the
Government at home and abroad, with the addi
tional certainty that, in any event but its abandon- :
ment, it will continue, in all future time, to work
these mischiefs, who can suppose it: is the duty of
the United States to continue to recognize it’ To
i maintain this would be a contradiction in terms. It
: would be : to recognize a right’ in a rebel master-to.
employ his slave in acts of rebellion and treason,
and the duty of the slave to aid and abet his master
in the commission of the greatest crime known to
theiaw. No such absurdity can he admitted, and
any citizen of the United States, from the President
down, who 'should, by tiny overt act, recognize the
duty of a slave to obey a rebel master hi a hostile
operation,.would himself be giving aid and comfort
to the enemy. - -
■While, 1 therefore, I think nothing can be .clearer
than that the Administration Is, in its emancipa
tion policy, in the exercise of an undoubted right on
the clearest principles of the public law, I have no
belief that by adopting that policy it has - increased
the difficulty .of an honorable pacification. Con
servative men of all parties have, with the best in
tentions, 3S it seems to me, acted under great mis
conceptions in- this matter. The idea that-the
foundations of this Union rest on'slavery, and that
it is at all ovSnts, and under all circumstances,
and to the end of time, to be cherished'and pre
served, is quite a recent idea. The fathers of the
Bepublic knew nothing of It. They with l one ac
cord, South as well as North, regarded slavery as
an evil forced ;tipon. the country in its colonial
state; arid temporarily tolerated.* It' was supposed
to depend on the continued importation of slaves,
and the framers of the Constitution of ITS 9 believed
that in providing for the prohibition of the African
Slave-trade *aiter 1808, they, had commenced, the
abolition of slavery. Mr. Webster says, and re
peats the remark in his speech of the 7th of March,
1850, that the members of the. Federal Convention
“thought that slavery could not be continued in the
country, if the importation of slaves were-madeto
cease, and therefore they provided that after a cer
tain period the impojtation might ho prevented by
an act of the new Government.” “It- was 1 then
(April, 177 6j). the prevailing opinion,” says Ban
croft! VIII., 321,), “ especially.in Virginia, that the
total prohibition of the slave-trade .would;at no
, very distant day be: followed. by universal emanci
■patioc.” .
Xflncli is said about restoring "the Constitution as
it is and the Union as it was,” and as far as 1 have ;
been able to penetrate the real intention of the
Chicago Democracy, it' -is to make overtures of
peace on that nominal basis, with new guarantees
and new compromises on the subject of slavery.
Save-those who favor such-a policy well consi
dered, what the Union was and the Constitution is,
in this respect 1 A little impartial reflection on
that subject will show that it is by no means at the
North that the departure from its spirit, nay, its
letter, has taken place. I do not refer.to extreme
opinions uttered by ardent men North and ; South,
but to legislative acts and official measures. While
the Government of the United States Is not charge
able with the smallest violation of the Constitution
or the slightest departure from the spirit of the
Union, (but very fat the contrary in respect to slave
ry,) both have been wholly .disregarded and set at
naught by the Slaveholding interest.*, I have not
time at this late* hour to go into this .discussion at
length, but* I will state a few propositions which,
as I think, defy refutation....:..'‘ • ..
First, by tho wise and good men of tlio south as
well as the North, who iramed tie Constitution,
slavery, as I have already stated, was. considered
and habitually declared to tie a social, political, and
moral evil, forced upon us by tfie Colonial Govern
n on t, of which it was both the interest and duty of
the country to rid itself as soon as possible. For
this reason they would not allow the word ‘‘slave”
to find a place in the Constitution, in order,;as was
, urged by Mr.-Madison, that they might not seem to
recognize such a thing as property In man. . :
Secondly. It was universally believed at that time
that slavery could onlybe, kept up by. the African
, slave trade. Several of the States had already pro
iibited it, and the Constitution mado provision for
its final prohibition in twenty years) which actually
tookplaee. ; v: ■■■■. .: ’
Tkxrdly conteroporaßeouslY witb. tae formation
of the Constitution slavery was, by the ordinance
of 1787, prohibited in all the territory then belong
ing to the United States, under circumstances
that exclude the idea that any difference of policy
would be pursued in territory hereafter to baac
quired, . This prohibition was accompanied by the
clause for the extradition of fugitives held to labor,
’ from which tho .word slave was carefully excluded. ;
Fourthly, as a compensation for allowing three
fifths of the slaves to be added to tho represen
tative numbers (an arrangement which has almost
always secured to the slaveholding States the con
trol of the Government,) it was provided that di
rect taxation should be assessed on the same prin-
Ct §uch isthe « Union as it was and the Constitution
: as it is,” Id tho intendment of its framers. What
have they since become? what are they, now 7 In
stead of a universally-recognized temporary evil,
; placed In a train* of extinction by the prohibition
of the African slave tiade ; a struggle, commencing
. with the rapid extension of tho cotton Culture, has
been Sept up for forty years to preserve, perpetuate,
and extend slavery ; and this-straggle has culmi
nated in a gigantic war against .that. Constitution,
and. in order to effect that object, by a. rupture of
the Union.. Or, if.we choose to consider the rupture
ronhe Unionasthe' primary object, then slavery is
the pietext and rallying cry made use of to effect It,
while the new government proposed to.be erected on
tbe.ruins of “ the Union as it was” is declared to be
. .'built on the corner-stone of slavery. . A
Instead of confining slavery, with a view to Its
final extinction, to the States in which lkexisted In
1787, and wholly excluding it from tho Territories,
r (which was tho design of the fathers of the Union
as it was,) nine new slave States have been admitted
with stipulations for four moreto be added lnTexas,
by treaties conceded by Messrs. Jefferson and Madi
son to be in violation of “ the Constitution as it Is;”
Anew compromise, which excluded slavery from the
Territories north of 36 deg. 80 mln. ,' and admitted It
into all of the Territories south of the line, in con
travention of the design of the fathers of the Oon
stUbllon asit iB and the Union as it -was, was re
pealed by the Democracy In 1851, white the Supreme
Court oi the United States decided that the Con
stitution, Into which its framers would not even
admit the word, carries propria vigors tho thing into
all the territory of the United States!
Mr. Everett closed his oration in the following
words: Providence is putting our patriotism to this
austere test, to sco if wo have the virtue to sustain
’ hat grand nationality to yrMsh gut Brth«K placed
the seal of a crowning victory at York town on the
19*h of October, 1781. That It.Ts our duty to- do so,
was the sentiment of every loyal heart, when the
blow was struck- at Sumpter, and the country, as
ore man, sprang to the defence of the Union. Never
was a grander movement in the annals of our race,
than when, trampling party in the dust, and forget-'
ting all that divided opinion on measures or men,
the citizens of the loyal States remembered only that
the flag of that Union “which makes us one peo--
ple,’ 1 had been traitorously stricken down, and that
ambitious men, marching through the bloody por* ■
tals of rebeUlon, were striving to rend in soiled
tatters the seamless garment which enfolds our bo
loved country. The oauße is as sacred now as then,
and the dearer for the precious blood shed in its de
fence. "We knew no party in ’6l, can we not again rise
above Itin ’64 i Shall we, in the face of the world,
as the struggle is drawing to a close, paralyze the
only arm which, by a constitutional necessity, can
wield the power of the State. , The eyes of the na
tion are upon us, I ain well persuaded that we have
not a sincere friend in the civilized world who will
not deplore the overthrow of the Administration;
and however parties, led by mistaken opinion, Inte
rest, or passion, may differ now, I am - equally per
suaded that in after years, coming generations,
South as well as North, nay, the South still more
than the North, will recognize the justice of our
cause, and that the South will date her own regene
ration from our success in the struggle.
TUB NATION'S ABILITY TO SUSTAIN THE WAR DEBT.
The following is an extract from a speech delivered
in the House of Representatives in April last by
Hon. Jas. G-, Blaine, of Maine. Lot the croakers
read it: V ;
, At tliS organization of our Government in 1789 the
entire population, free and slave", was under four
millions, scattered along the seaboard from the St.
Croix to the St.:Mary’s, not fifty thousand in all liv
ing one .hundred miles distant from the flow ofthe
Atlantic tide. Facilities for intercommunication
were greatly restricted; manufactures and the arts
were in feeble Infancy; agriculture was racte, and
not highly * remunerative, because commerce, its
handmaid, was languishing and waiting to bo
quickened to enterprise and vigor. The en
tire valuation or the thirteen States, accord
ing to . the weight of authority, did not ex
ceed six hundred million dollars, three hundred
millions. less than the valuation of Massachusetts
to-day, and not one-half so great as that of Penn
sylvania.;. Property at that time was fit adapted to
;bear taxation, profits wore small, and to the politi
cal economist, measuring the condition and capa
city of the country, it seemed utterly unable to
carry a debt of any considerable magnitude. And
yet our ancestors did not hesitate to assume the
burden of ninety million dollars, more than one
seventh of all the property they owned. Mr. Jeffer
son, who was the most distrustful of all the states,
men of that day In regard to the ability of the
nation to sustain the load, was, yet willing to say
thatit could be easily borne If our annual increase
of population' and property could maintain an
average of Jive per cent.—then the most sanguine
estimate which any one dared to place on
the future growth of the country. Had we realized
only the ratio of increase assumed by Mr. Jefferson,
our population in 1860 would have been some fifteen
instead of thirty-one millions, and our wealth $2,700,-
000,000 instead of $16,000,008,000.: Upon Mr. Jef
ferson's assumed baflis of increase, the debt would
.never have been oppressive, "but upon the rate of
growth actually realized the country paid the in
terest on the oeht, and accumulated a fund for its
redemption with such ease that people never felt
they were taxed. And yet I hope to show that our
debt at the close of this war will be relatively
lighter than the debt which our Revolutionary
fathers thus-assumed, and; proceeded so early and
so easily to. discharge.
: Look als ( o at the case of Great Brit ain. At the
close of her gigantic struggle with Napoleon, in
1816, the national debt ol that kfngdom amounted
to *861,000,000 sterling, or forty-three hundred mil
lions of dollars; and for readier comparison I shall
- speak of her debt in dollars rather than In pounds.
Her entire population at that time was less than
twenty millions, and the valuation of all her proper
ty was about nine thousand five hundred million
dollars. Sho owed, Indeed, nearly half of all that
she possessed. Her population was less than two
thirds oi what ours-is to-day. Her entire pro
perty-'was not three-fifths l of what ours was by
the census- of 1860, while her debt , was
eighteen hundred -millions -of dollars greater than
ours will be in 'July, 1865. And In contracting
this debt she was compelled to sell her bonds at the
most enormous sacrifice. From 1792 to 1815 her
debt was increased $3,000,000,000, and yet in ex
change for, this amount of bonds she received In
money but $1,730,000,090, thus, submitting to a dis
count of $1,270,000,000. In other words, England,
, during the twenty-three years of continental war,
only realized on an average for the whole period
$lOO in money in exchange for $173 of her bonds.
This, be it . remembered, was the average for the
whole time. As the contest waxed desperate her
sacrifices became desperate in proportion, and the
money whlchenabled her to fight the decisive cam
paign Of Waterloo was obtained by selling her
bone s 'to the European bankers at less than fifty
cents on the dollar., Compared with this our sacri
fices on our national securities thus far have been
light, not averaging froth the inception of the war
to the present day, with all elements of expenditure
fairly estimated; more than from twenty to twenty
five per cent, on the gold basis.
- To meet their enormous debt, the British people
had nothing but the commercial and industrial re-,
sources of the United Kingdom, whose whole area is
not double that of the single State-of Missouri.
They had a population of; but twenty millions, as
■ already atatoc, subject to no increase from Immi
gration, and growing in half a century no more
than we have added during the last decade. And
yet on this restricted area the enterprise and en
ergy oi the British; people: have increased their
property until it is valued at thirty-three thousand
millions ’• of dollars; and in defiance of the
large expenditure resulting from several cost
ly wars since 1815, they have actually reduced
their debt semethree hundred millions of dollars;;
Their steady progress In wealth under their large
debt is comprehended in the statement that the
average property per capita in 1815 was less than
five hunored dollars, and in 1861 about elevenhun
dred doliajs. In 1815 some twenty-five per cent, of
all the earnings ahd income of the people was ab
sorbed In taxation, and in 1861 less than tea per
cent was taken for the same object, in 1815 thepro
portion of taxes per. head for. the whole people ex
ceeded seventeen dollars, and In 1861 it had fallen
below; ten dollars, t , : : .
These brief,details of British experience show how
a great debt without being absolutely reduced to
any considerable extent becomes relatlyelylighter
by the Increased capacity to bear it. The wealth
per capita of the entire population in a period of
forty-six years has more than doubled; the aggre
gate property of the realm has more than trebled:
and all this bn a fixed area of one hundred and
twenty thousand square miles, and with a popula
tion Increasing at the slow rate of only one per cent,
per annum. If such results can be wrought out by
a kindred people against such obstacles and hin
drances, what may we not hope to accomplish under
the auspicious circumstances that surround cur own
nat ion '!
In the light of the national experiences we have ; :
been glancing at, we may clearly read our own great
future. It is not, indeed, a matter of surmise or
speculative query, but of well-founded and confident
calculation—a calculation which, however sanguine
It be.made. will have its only error in' falling short
of results actually to be realized. The war.closingin
July, 1865, will leave us in this condition: a nation
numbering some thirty-three million people, owning - _
over sixteen thousand milllons of property, and car- 1
rylDg a debt of twenty. Jive hundred milUonsof dot- :
tars. The proportion between debt and property
will bejust about thesameas it was when tbe Union .
was formed, while theratlo of our advance and the -
largely enhanced productiveness of agricultural,
manufacturing, arid commercial pursuits gives the ;
present generation an advantage that renders it far :
less burdensome at the very outset. And If the ;
Bevolutionary debt becaine in a very brief period so
light as to be unnoticed, why may we not, with a
vastly accelerated ratio of progress, assume a similar
auspicious result with regard to the debt we are now .
contracting '! Were our future advance In wealth,
arid population to be no more rapid than Great '
Britain’s has been since 1815, we should at the close
of the present century have a population of forty
five million souls arid a property: amounting to fifty
thousand milUonsof dollars, Even upon this ratio of
progress our entire debt would,cease to be felt as a
burden. But upon tbe inoreateof population and
development of wealth,to be so surely anticipated,
the debt would be-so small ‘in comparison with the
total resources of the nation as to become absolutely
inconsiderable. Let us look at the figures.
According to the estimates made in the report; of
the eighth census; and made with, great care upon
very complete data, our populatlon In the year 1900
will be one hundred millions. : The property of the
country during the laat decade increased one hun
dred and twenty-six per cent.; our aggregate wealth
in 1865 being a trifle over seven- thousand millions of
dollars, arid in,1860 exceeding sixteen thousand mit
lions.Some of the States exhibited hn almost fabu
lous progress—lowa, the highest In ratio, gaining
nine hundred and forty-two per cent.,or nearly one:
hundred per cent, per annum, and (California, not
far behind her, making a gain of eight hundred and
thirty-eight per cent.; the average of all the States
being, as 1 have already stated, one hundred and
twenty-six per cent. The aggregate addition of
wealth for the ten years was thus absolutely larger
than all that had been accumulated in the country
from the settlement of Jamestown and Plymouth
down to the year 1850. We can: hardly hope to
maintain this enormous ratio for each successive
decade, but it Is assuming very much less than the
average of tbe past would justify, to say that our
property will increase in double the ratio of our
population. From 1790 to 1860 our population in
creased in all about seven hundred per cent., while,
our property increased some twenty-six hundred
rier cent , thus showing an increase of property
nearly four-fold greater than In population. A
population of one hundred millions In A. D. 1900,
implies an; Increase of two hundred and ten per
cent, on the census of 1860. Doubling the ratio for
increase In property .‘gives us a gain of four hun
dred and twenty per cent., which would give a total
valuation at the time specified of eighty-jive %
thousand -millions of dollars, of which vast amount
our estimated national debt will constitutesnly ttte
trifling proportion of three per cent. The embar
rassment to the country under such circumstances
would prove as light as would a debt of $3,000 to an
individual who had an otherwise 1 unincumbered es
tate of $lOO,OOO, the estate all the while receiving a,
steady Increase of ten per cent, per annum.
All that I have said has been based on the suppo
sition of the debt remaining at a fixed sum, the
country simply paying the interest. As a matter of
fact, however, It Is perfectlyribbons that In the pro
: aress and prosperity of the future one of our first
acts will be to provide for the gradual but absolute
redemption of tbe principal; That this will be con
summated without oppressively adding to the an
nual burden ol taxes may be inferred with certainty
: irom a slight examination of our capacity to make
Increased payments proportioned to our Increased
amount of consolidated wealth; The time ol' re
demption will depend,wholly on the will of thetax
pav ers; but it is quite evident that the condition of
the country may justify Its being done as rapidly as
Mr. Hamilton proposed to redeem the debt which
he funded in 1790, The period assigned by him was
thirty-five years, arid so well based, were his oalou
-1 latlons that tbe entire debt, augmented.largely and
; unexpectedly as it was by the war of 1812, was paid
■ in forty-four years from the date of funding, and In
■ 1834 the United States found itself owing but thirty
• seven thousand dollars ■ ■ - ,
A NEUTKiL COENJTBKD AND ITS REUNIONS.—
There Is a cornfield between our lines at one point a
little to the left of Cemetery Hill. The opposing
pickets ■will creep Into thatfor an occasional friendly
chat, or for a barter, or . for a game of cards—only
think of It! Two of them were playing a game a
few days since, with Abe Unooln and Jeff, Bavte as
Imaginary stakes. The liinooloite lost. There,
says the winner, “ Old Abe belongs to me.’’ “ Well,
I’ll send him over by the Petersburg Express,” re
sponded the defeated Yank. One day last week
there had been lively shelling and some musketry
firing during the forenoon—of course but little talk
ing After dinner there was a slack of hostilities.
A Johnny rose up on the parapet of his line and
shook a paper as a sign of truce, then sprang over
into the cornfield. At once a hundred followed from
either line, were over their works, and side by side,
swapping papers for papers, tobacco or jack knives,
hardtack or sugar for corn cake. New acquain
tances were made. In some instances, old acquain
tances were revived- A Connecticut sergeant round
a townsman and schoolmatefrom over the way. a
Connecticut officer found a kinsman in a rebel offi
cer. A loyal Maryland regiment wm vis-a-vis with
a MarylandSeeesh Many Vrisstf union
were there. One found a brother onbhe other side .
and yet another his own father, mere s tne ro
mance of war for you 1 _
the Album of Mdllo.
A »MvKrodAdellDa. Nothingoaa be more easy
forme than to insert an Idea In your album, an
mea-which fills my head—to.. cherish you as an ado
rablecreature, to admire your enchanting talent,
and tube forever your friend, <*, .
FOUR CENTS.
THE PRESIDENCY,
GKAKD MEETINGS LAST SIGHT.
imm Ears e E’arT-uirsiA'SM.
THE ACADEMI ©F WBM- THRONG®]).
Speeches by. Gov. Curtin, Gen. Joshua I.Owen,Col,
11. B. Burnham, CTtli P. V,, Major Htsrry
■ White, Hon. A. K. McOl’Srft.
Tributes to the Memory of Cc®» Birney.
THE MEETING AT UNION LEAGUE HALE.
SPEECH BY : HON, A. K. McG&HBE,
PIHIADEII’HIA IN EARSSST.
THE ACAHEMY; OF' -MUSIC.
The great Union meetings last evehisg
at the A cademy of Music and the Hair of
the Union League were among the most
remarkable manifestations of the political
campaign. Long before the speakers bads
taken their seats on the crowded stage of
the Academy, the vast building was filled
from parquet to amphitheatre, and an in
telligent audience of five thousand patriotic
men and women were prepared to listen to
the earnest words of Governor Curtin,
and to gather encouragement for the great
duty of the hour from the eloquence and
experience of the heroes of the evening.
When all the rest of the house was filled,
a laTge delegation of soldiers from the" hos
pitals marched in to the national music
and took the reserved seats in the parquet.
From all sides they were greeted with
cheers and the waving of handkerchiefs.
It was some time before order could be re
stored, and the meeting he organized.
General Wm. M. Reilly opened the pro
ceedings in a brief speech, and announced
the Governor-of the State as the president
of the meeting. Governor Curtin received;
enthusiastic applause, and at length spoke
as follows:
. SPEECH OF GOV. CURTIN. •
I am glad that I have been called upon to preside
to-night over an association of soldiers. Having had
much to do -with that class of our fellow-citizens for
three and a half years; it always affords me pleasure
to meet them, and to be conspicuous, as I am to
night; wherever there Is gathered together a body
of the eoldierß of the Republic. [Cheers.] A man
who has studied the history of this great country,
and made irom it philosophical deductions, must be
satisfied that that portion of the people of this coun
try who are entitled to the warmest gratitude of the
living and those of the dead, who are entitled to the
highest honor, are those who have been willing to
bear alolt the standard of the Republic, and expose
their persons to the enemies of liberty, who have
rebelled agaißßt our constitutional laws. [Great
cheering. ] I am honored, Indeed, to preside to-night
over a meeting of soldiers, and I am obliged to the
citizens of Philadelphia who have honored me with
their presence this evening. To-day I follows! to
the grave a soldier of the Republic, late a citizen of
the city of Philadelphia. I knew him well. Indeed,
I had the honor to give him his first commission,
and I was connected with every commission he re
ceived at the hands of the National Government.
I followed with pleasure his career through this
great war, as from battle to battle he became more
distinguished and more dear in the hearts of the
loyal, people of this great country. Philadelphia
honored herself by the great ovation given to the re
mains of Gen. Birney. [Cheers,] He had braved bat
tles nearly forty times; his companions had fallen by
Ms side; Ms regiment, the gallant 23d, raised in
this city [intense enthusiasm], had'wasted away ;
Ms corps had diminished from the Rapidan to Peters
burg, yet his life was spared to fail asleep In the
midst of his family; and, aye, he the words of the
hero remembered! With expiring breath he re
membered the flag, the emblem of national power
and liberty, and as his life went out he cried with
his latest breath, “Boys, beep your eyes on the
flag.” [Great applause.] Remember that Birney
said “stand by the flag.” [Renewed applause.]
And so General.Birney filled a soldier’s grave. He
has Jeit a widow and orphans among you. I have
repeatedly recommended to the people of Pennsyl
vania the care of the widow and orphans of the sol
diers now in this State. Under a law of this Com-
monwealth we have a systematic method by which
we assist in the nurture and ’education of the desti
tute orphans of the soldier. WMle I ask your charity
for the orphans of the soldier, I ask the generous,.
■patriotic people of FMladelphla not to forget the
SixlittlebMldrenof General Birney. [Greatcheers.]
Now, my frieisdß, I have not strength to discuss
these views at length, because my voice will not fill
this hall. I would like to speak of the strength of
the national army, and of the resources of the
Union,but I desist. Thanking you for the kind at
tention you have shown me, allow me to Introduce to
you a soldier—a soldier oi your own city, who has
won deserved promotion on many well-contested
fields—General Owen, of PMladelpMa.
SPEECH OF; GBXEBAJ. OWEJf.
General Owen, on coming forward, was re salved
■With tumultuous cheers. He said:
Ladies amd Gem tubmen : In what I shall say to
you to-night I shall he brief, remembering that I am
to be followed by others whom you desire to hear.
But, before proceeding further, I must add, to what
has just been said by the chairman, my tribute also
to the memory of that true soldier and gallant gen
tleman who was to-day burled with appropriate
honors by his adopted city of Philadelphia. I have
had the honor, In the course of this war, of
seeing him in the very front of battle, and I
but re-echo the reputation he has so well earned by
his unflinching personal bravery and his efficiency
and skill as a commander, when I say that not In
the Army of the Potomac, nor in any other army
that has ever been organized upon this broad stage,
of earth, has there been a soldier whose Career has
'been Illustrated by nobler achievements, who
has 1 in the hour of trial evinced more self
possession, skill, and personal daring than
David JB. Birney. [Applause.] But he is gone!
He sleeps his last Bleep. Ever green be his
memory, for he died a soldier in the service
of his country; Though he did not fall in battle, as
his ardent spirit would have desired, he died, hay
ing aearcely taken off the harness, and while utter
ing a sentiment that shall often, told and,repeated
hereafter, stir to patriotic devotion the sons and
daughters of our Republic. [Applause,] I am
here to-night, ladies and gentlemen, in the dis
charge of a solemn dnty. Since our country has
been plunged into: this 1 great and terrible war, we
have all learned to choose to do our part and duty,
whatever it may be as our duty, and not what maybe
desirable to us, nor whataccords best with our wishes,
or habits; We have learned In our country’s peril to
follow the impulse of duty. And so I am here to
night, in obedience to a sense of duty, to assist in
advancing a great cause, and especially to speak to
you a few truthful words as to the propriety and the
necessity of the re-election of Abranam Lincoln.
[lmmense applause and three cheers for Lincoln.]
It may not bo improper for me to make one remark
with respect to my own political position and
antecedents. Some of you know I have, all my
life, been associated with the Democratic par
tyand many of you know that, upon the
breaking out of this war, I at once entered the
field. Since then I have abstained almost en
tirely ifrom thinking upon political snbjects, cer
tainly from speaking upon them, for I nave been
absorbed in action. - Instead of meditating upon
political causes and movements, 1 have, met and
struggled with the almost resistless power or
ganized by traitors to destroy our Government.
[Great applause.] And Ido not think that all our
efforts have been a failure; and if Democracy is to
day represented by the Chioago platform, lam no
longer a Democrat. [Renewed, applause.] Gen
tlemen, L am now and ever for the mainte
nance of our Government, and our national
unity and; perpetuity. I desire and pray
for-the preservation of this intelligent, virtuous,
mighty, and gallant people as a nation; and I op
pose, and shall ever oppose, any man, and any com
bination of men, call themselves whatever name
they please, who are for the division of this .people
floud cheers]: and I shall ever oppose them, gray
back or butternut—call them what you will—who
even wink at efforts to divide .these &tato3. [Oon
tinued applause.] Every such man Is the enemy of
all true hearted and intelligent Americans who
look af this struggle as they should, from the stand
point of patriotism and truth, G
It will not, and canriot, be expected of me to say
one word against that gentleman who has been put ,
in nomination for President by the Democratic
Convention. I have served under him as my com
mantling officer. I respect him as a. man and as a
soldier; but I cannot follow him, occupying, his
present position, and surrounded by the associates
among whom he stands. [Loud cheers.] With all
my regard ior him personally, with all my respect
for hlB acquisitions and abilities as a soldier and as
a, civilian, I find him now in company with which
1 cannot mingle, and adhering, at least impliedly,
to doctrines whtoh I firmly believe would load to
the disruption of the Republic. Therefore, leav
ing him and his company, I turn to those
who advocate doctrines conducive to the peace,
happiness, and glory of my country. [Great ap
plause.] Party affinity Is a very curious thing;
ft sometimes produces very curious results. Par
ties will exist and will always controlmore or less the
destiny of this country, and of all other free coun
tries. The Democratic party maintained its ascen
dancy and power for a great length of time. It
controlled nearly all the several and long
held almostuhdisputed the reins of the General Go
vernment. I know from long personal experience;
that during this prolonged tenure and exercise of
political power, the leaders of that party acquired
a marvellous skill in the craft :of managing, the,
masses of our people and controlling their every
action as a nation. Nor did they often in the jear-
Uer days nse this power unworthily or unwisely ;
and the ‘people generally were justified in their
trust in that party by a skill proved by ex
perience, and a general adherence to ■ the ftrutns
which had been handed down from our Revolu
tionary ancestors. The leaders were entitled to our
support, and we gave it. For, mind you, the Ameri
can people will always maintain that party in power
Adwin-t -t;[[[
M'Kftv held bo long, ana acquired suen skui,
t hat\l ey forgot the country in the party, and relied
skilful management rather than-upon eternal
Urin^lffie. ''The leaders became Independent of the
Smile-they stood so straight that they began to lean,
Sir r rhcv took it for granted that because theyhad
ruled so long they would .rule forever; that .they
could do whatever they pleased, and still maintain
their power with the people. But at last: the sceptre
departed. They had been divided at the Charleston
Convention; they had been broken up at Balti
more. They were then defeated at a great election.
The organization remained in the North, strong in
numbers, and in the; traditions of the party. Thus
they stood at the commencement of this war. But
the leadeiß forgot that; they had lost many of their
coadjutors, that theyoould no longer.count.on. tne
co-operation of the Southern States,that had before
covered the true man, the true doctrine, And tne
true path. To that path they have adhered, ana
they have determined to follow ft, so f f5 thB
read the signs given in ihurecent returns ft*
StateffiecuSs, andthatAtumore
Item the
plaute, and oheers for Sheriaan.j have been
leaders have now tafore.tto
their experience, skill, and o ß "®“™ “ other
Fhe admt'ffiltrfttiM tftbttQovemmMtt, and the des-
IHE WAR FEEBB,
(PUBLISHED WEEKLY.)
Th» Wit Prsbb will be tent to mbssribon by
nail (per annum In advance)
Three coplea, «■■■■:■ -5 OO
Flt« coplei* ■■■ —*,*, »■-.., 1.... SOU
Ten copies* ... ...« .10 0#
Larger Club* then Ten will be charged at (he Mae
rete, tLSO per copy.
The money must always accompany file order, an*
in no instance can these terme he deviated/ram, at
they afford very little more than the cost of paper.
Oar-Poctmaateri are reaueatedto act aaagent* for
Tbb Wax Pkmb, -
To the getter-np or the Club often ortvrenty, *l.
extra cony of tho Paper will bd given.
a ® ’lands of that pa,tty '
fr “°Y nd tie standard. of Abriham
UDCOIII. [LiOUu Sl’Ppl3iU?B,l J UT2.T? 'TTfil VM
lho leaders of the Democratic party may fully on
■ .iretend this movement, ami he governed bv A
j, 'gher sense of duty than the tie or party - tUifc
pe, 'tonal bickering may forever aisappear from’ their
Jnicj w, and they may begin earnestly amlinteUi
genti'V sotoeomblnetheelementßofpowerstiniaour
hande so to systematise all the operations of state
and cktaeral Government, that we may, through,
' contributed most to their power ; that they were in
a decided minority in the North. Believing that
success wo'nM always be with them, they instituted
a policy tha t could not be sustained in the North,
• hoping lo restore their power South and North.
■ At Chicago t.'aey adopted a platform and policy in
i' tended to put the party then in power on the defen
| slvo, ciose the Jy&T, and, by a grand feat of political
i skill, re-establis h their ascendeney In the Govern
' ffient. But they committed a great mistake—amis
take which has oil on been made In this country and
in Europe. They ' failed to keep their hand on the
heart of the, peopled They did not watch the eye 3,
the countenances, Lind the voices of the masses.
They forgot that In-.the hour of national danger
patriotism is not the result of any process of ld«1cal
reasoning, but dn untaught Instinct of the human
heart; an inborn idea, throbbing in every brain, and
governing and coßtrol.'irg men’s every action.
When stirred by such »p impulse a man acts
promptly, and not by reflection- As a mother’s- '
quick instinct meets danger to her offspring,
so, in the hour of perU, the American people l
were stirred and : roused, ana at once, by
.an instinct stronger turns party ties re
solved thsP whetherthe war should be long or short
they would never cease to defend the Union,bat
would, in spite of treason at home, and enmity
abroad, rescue this great land from destruction.
Our country is worth better saved? \No country on
the face of the globe equafi it in the 'character of
the country or the people. Your soldiers, who are’ ’
a part of the people, have Illustrated the national'
character by innumerable acta of heroism amid
peril and suffering, equal to the brightest recorded 1
in history, which have immortalized so many
names. 1 have seen them exhibit courage and.
patience so sublime, so firm, that the sol- '
(Her in his plain- blue coat seemed' to rise al
most to thefstature of a god. I have ooen faces,
quiet and gentle at/home, glow in themoment of -
trial with that lolty inspiration of heroism which
great painters strive in vain to conceive rad repre
sent. In the ranks ol the Army of the Potomac, as
I know, and In the armies of the West, as I have
heard, are men-the equals of kings and princes.
Yes, this is a great country, and, I may say, without
any Fourth-oi-July glorification, filled with a great
people. Our common schools have spread tatelli- '
genee. Virtue has made us a great people. God'
grant that we may be aunited people, increasing in
strength, and exerting our power always in favor of
tberight. [Applause.], What Is to be done? Ohloago
or Baltimore 1 Shallweunitewiththose whoaresup
porting our- Government, or sympathize with and
assist those who are endeavoring to destroy it ?
Who is right 1 Can sensible and honest men de
clare ttat this war is a failure 1 Uau a party ride
into power on such a falsehood as this 1 This war ~
is a defence of our Government. Thousands of
lives have been lost; millions of dollars have been *- • ’
spent; but is it without fruit 1 A. vast territory
has been conquered. The flag of the ; Republic
has waved In triumph over many a well-tought
field. [Applause.] American valor has been tried. ”
In so terrible an ordeal, and endnred that ordeal
with such glory, that the sons of this country may
hold their heads with the proudest of any land.
Yet It has all been a. failure! No, my friends, the
symptoms of failure in our enemies are too plain.
The sound that comes from the Shenandoah Valley -
cannot be mistaken. The agonies-of death are
already upon the expiring Confederacy.:-It has com
menced in the Valley, and will spread to Richmond,
andfrom Richmond until it reaches every portion of .
the Confederacy. [Applause.] Its fate is sealed.
Its doom is at hand, and Is to be announced by ■
thunders belched forth from the captured brass can
non from Richmond. [Cheers.] It Is to perish by
the bullets of the armies of the Shenandoah and
J ames, and the bullets of the great army of the peo
ple. [Great applause.] But these gentlemen say
we must have the Constitution as it is, and the
Union as it was. We Lad all that long ago, before
the war, but they were not then satisfied. They de
manded that a part of the national territory should
be set apart for them and their institution, and -
it was done. A line was established south of
which slavery was permitted to have full s way ; but
they very soon discovered that Northern energy
and industry was too inueh for their institution.
They asked for a repeal of the old compromise. It
was repealed, and we enacted the compromise of
ISSO. That compromise had scarcely lulled the pas
sions of these people before they clamored tor further
legislation, to set all previous acts aside, and give
still larger scope to their institution. Andso, with
out dwelling upon this subject, they proceeded from
one step to another in their demands and threats,
until they declared that the election by the
people of a man not satisfactory to the South
would be considered cause of war. The election o
Mr. Lincoln was their sole cause of war. it has
been so declared, over and over again—by their ~
prisoners in our hands, by their leaders at home,
and is manifest from their public journals. They
had the Constitution, ana they raised their hands
against it. They had the Union; they attempted,
to- destroy it. But these Chicago Democrats pro
pose now tb-offer to the South the Constitution as
it Is and the Union as it was. The South hah long
since spurned such an offer. What then will
satisfy them? NothiDg. Davis, their President, says
it is not for slavery they are fighting, but indepen
dence—that is, the destruction of the Union. Then
why offer to make an idle compromise on the subject
of slavery because of the war with slavery,as all of
us who have been at the front know too well ? And
as the cause of the war, Ijfor one, am prepared to
see slavery disappear. [Cheers.] I trust that, it will' :
soon be made to give up the gho3t; that measures
willbe adopted to facilitate that reßuit, and that
hereafter we shall be a'united and a/ree people.
These politicians are unware of the ohange.of cir
cumstances. By the necessary operation of this -
war there has been a great development of mecha
nicial skill throughout the country, and an exhibi
tion not only of. the higher moral qualities of devo
tion to a great cause, but the exercise of unprece
dented industry and ingenuity from men, women,
and ohildren. To these topics I shall not further
allude, but I will say that in, the general change ■
of sentiment I have somewhat altered my
views, and I find that those who appreciate and .
act upon the changed circumstances around us
most wisely, are the men of the party in ’
whose support I appear most generally. [Great
cheering.] We must support this war; there can
be no cessation of hostilities until the rebels, are -
brought to their knees. [Renewed cheers.] The
national flag in unlmpairea dignity must be every
where respected and must wave In triumph over the
Republic. [Vociferous cheering.] Every hand that
has been raised against the Government must fall in.
submission; every tongue that has assailed it must
be silenced into obedience. Cessation of hosti
lities! lArmistices! Armistice involves a gene
ral withdrawal of our troop®. Are you prepared
for that,? Without It the South will not listen
to you. Will you who have a cause that is right
and have possession of the Government, and'have
almost destroyed the rebellion, stoop to Eueb -hu
miliatibnl? [Applause.] There must be|no armis
tice. The only cessation oi hostilities that we can
consider is that cessation which will come when
there will be no rebels—[Cheers]—when all their
armies shall ground their arms, and the leaders
shall be hung as high as Haman, [Applause.] Then
we can fraternize with the people of the South as
those ofyou who have been at the front have often
seen the soldiers do between the lines. Bat until then
we are in peace friends, in war enemies. They are 1
enemies of their own interests, and when we, have
thrashed them soundly they will see that we are
, their best friends after all—[laughter]—and the
Southern people will bless God that such a race
ever existed as the Yankees. [Renewed laughter
and applause.] When we shall have rebuilt the
fences we have torn down, and shipped them coal to
take the place of the wood we have burnt for out
armies, and developed the wasting resources of that
rich country; they will thank God. Then John-BufiL.
and Johnny Crapeau will respect our character and
ourpower, and we will respect ourselves. We will .
all feel that we have a Government. While .
the armies are finishing the rebels at the front, you.
must do your duty at home. There should be no
half-way work in this. . Treason is as wrong here as .
In Vireinia—aiding,a rebel is as bad as-being .a -
rebeh Both are fetors- While the soldiers take
care of one class, you must take care of the other.
The soldiers have a right to ask at least this. These
shots fired from the rear wound most cruelly,,and
are hardest to bear. I trustthat these guns at home: .
willbe spiked. Make them stand away from the
Owen continued, with great-force, his
appeal to the people to do theta duty at Rome ;as
well as the soldiers were doifig theirs in the field,
illustrating by some striking reminiscences of bat
tle. We regret that want of space compels the
omission of the most eloquent portion of his re
: He gave place to Major Harry White.
After Major White had been introduced by Gov.
Curtin, he spoke as follows:
- SPEECH OF MAJOR HAItKT WHITS.
I thank you, ladles and gentlemen of, Philadel
phia, for this kind reception. I assure you .that
lately I, have not been aceustpmed to such kmd
treatment. It will be proper for me to utter my
hearty amen to the tribute rendered to the lamented
Birney, and to add to what has been said would be
perhaps in me ridiculous excess, but I will drop on
his grave a soldier’s tear, knowing that ho is canon- .
iZ ihllow- citizens: When I stand before this .bril
liant audience I feel as if I had been raised from the
lower regions. The change to me is exceedingly
agreeable. ' [Daughter.] It seemed to me, when
I® was in the Southern Confederacy, I, was
nearer pandemonium than I ever expected-to he.
While we are here In seeming comfort in aland of
plenty, where rations are not always short, it would
be peculiarly proper to remember our suffering, lan
guishing soldiers in Southern prisons. Lean.do
them service by telling you what they have suf
fered, hoping it will forward peace and {open, the
doors of their prisons—a peace that will result in
honor to the flag in the savannas of Georgia ana -
in the streets of Philadelphia.—l, have often lis
tened to eulogies on behalf of that flag. I;haye
listened to many a Fourth-of-July oration, but
never, till I got ta the hated custody of the traitors,
of the South,- did I know what its. reverence
I- am glad to ssq y on - ssmost s?nu.
anxious In this practice. You come here, not to
hear political dogmas, but because you are anxious,
about the salvation of your country. Allow me to
say that tho anxiety which you manifest is only
equalled by all the conduct or all the people of the
Southern states. I-will do them the justice to say
1 that if ever there was .a people anxious and , earned
to secure their independence, it is ttL! ?-h_peopl©, aria.
I hope tie same earnestness willbe exhitated-by^y
. fellow-countrt men of the,North. It seems to have
LtTon when "suddenly "my lyesTeregladdenlu
?>v Mn order from my Government directing the exe
rtion of two rebel officers-a son of Lee anda son of
! o jipTnl Winder—as soon as It was known that my
Bffow-nrSoners were executed. 1,, felt .then that t
bad a Government. I want you to understand that
t tiavefno ghastly wounds to hold up to excite sym
caihy but what I relate is for the purpose of show
ing the feelings of this people towards you. The
- president of this meeting,:the soldier’B friend, Gov.
Curtin, has told you IfelYlnto the enemy’s power on
dune 15,1863, and came out of it on October 1, 186*,
a period ol sixteen months, long enough for me to
test the quality of their corn bread. My occupation,
latterly has not been the making of speeches to au
diences like this, but the mixing of corn meal ana
■water, and I have gained such efficiency
business that I Relieve I could never
situation in any culinary department. I _
forget the day I was taken tne
Shenandoah, where we w o, a e f™ S o 3 got to Libby
we met on our way, but,: in du a* »» tlfy tha
Prison- I didn’t see any“"el-tagßhtefc inibun
cye, I assure you., l saw o things didn’t
dance,and*lfcund that th [ljaU ghter.]; §ou will
Sit o/the election In October, 1863, lhad better da-.
Shat I could to get out. I played surgeon, and I
thought that when they got off I would go off with
thru?; I tried that, but. didn’t go far. I disguised
myEelf sufficiently to be regarded by their authori
ties as a surgeon. I got on theta tt® o ®-®?? 110 9 a J
Point, and was again in sight oftheold flag, when
I saw a gentleman on shore with a despatch, th
‘ despatch related to Gom fS conduot
soofi told mo that I should, have a stfe oonuuot
back to Libby. It was fl® I *®. I f te an^i e of mV
back, ' and ’ %was anxious that . some “J
friends there sliould know, that I 3 j wag
wasn’t- put- in with the p££*-Mid<iiOt
put in a dungeon. 11 cold day in tha
very warm. -It was an exceedingly r(Jtno7o(l by or
month of November. I wyflMH7 a tff6a ty-foae
der of tho snrgeoa. 1 •