THE PRESS, mLIBHXD DAILY (BBNBATB BXOBPTXDI, » BT JOHB W. FORIfBT. 4FTICI. No. 1U SOOTH FODETH BTEIBT. u WII* DAILY PHKSS, '' turwkt Qini Pex Worn, payable to the wriu j tUIM to Bxbatrlbon out of the City at Sets* Doliax* rn Anron; Thxee Doirasa- m Fifty Gents pox Six Month*: On Dou&ix and Seventi-mve Carre pox Vaxixllbxtai. Urarlably la adyaooe forth* Uaeor 4#nA* JtV-XiyertlMaenU inserted at the tuoal ratee. Hx tUee eonatltot# a ianara VBK TBI WKBKtY PRESS, Hailed to Bnbeertbera oat of the City at Fora DoiAAxa n* ijrxra, lx adyaxee. RETAIL DRY GOODS. OPEN. . EICH AND EKLIABLB furs Of oar otto Importation and Uanofootnre. HUDSON’S BAT SABLE, ROYAL ERMINE, . DARK SABLE MINK, * REAL CHINCHILLA, DARK SIBERIAN SQUIRREL, ■ Cii every fashionable style, for 1 LAB IBS, • MSSES - AND V CHILDREN. FURS MADE TO ORDER AT THE VAItiS JHANTIIiLA, CLOAK, AND FUR EMPORIUM, • 930 CHESTNUT BTBBET. J. W. PROCTOR & 00. 1106-frmwlm . ROOFER & GONARD, NINTH AND MARKET. CLOTHS. FROSTED BEATERS. -FINE CASBIMERES. BLANKETS. BROOHE SHAWLS. ROTS’ FINE CLOTHING. ‘OPENING, >BlB AT THB ARCH-STREET CLOAK STORE. . A HANDSOME ASSORTMENT ON LADIES’ AND MISSES’ .CLOAKS. nos-tf , / ■ . ■ ■ . ;v gKIRTS! SKIRTS I SKIRTS! M. A. JONES’ -OBLBBKATSD NE PLUS XJLTBA SKIRT Out OBlTb* fooai at Ho. 17 NORTH EIGHTH STREET, PSXLAPBITHTA* OVER THE WAX FIGURE. ■B* Ifou g»nnlM snlwa riampad »r. A. .JORSB' ins plus rani skis?. IT X. BIOHTH STKHST. MU-MU JOHN F. YOUNG, No. 70 NORTH FOURTH STREET, WILL OFFER, FOR THE BALANCE OF THE SEASON, AT REDUCED PRICES. THK FOLLOWING DRESS GOODS MERINOS, POPLINS, REPS, T?DWIN' HALL & 00., NO. 26-SOUTH SECOND Street, would call attention to thelrstook $r for Ladies 1 Cloaks. ? Superior quality Frosted Beaver Cloths, $3 a yard. Velvet Beaver Clothe, all-'wool, fine. * Tncot Beaver Cloths. Tine Plain Beaver Cloths. Blhfced Beaver Cloths, Chinchilla Cloths. BV B.—Cloake for sale, made out of the above Cloths. .Cloaks made to order. Superior quality 4-4'Silk Velvets, at $l5 and $16.69 Der yard* del-tf Harris • CASsmEBm Fine quality, double weight, fancy Casslmeres, In neat patternsgfor business suits, of Harris' well-known Sake. Silk-mixed Casslmeres, extra heavy. , Super extra fine-Blaok Cassimeres. 6-4 heavy fancy Coatings. Fitchburg dari -cadet Gaseimeres. Harriß , * c Weat Point Cadet” Caaaimeres. Blue Cloths and Beavers. • • • CLOAKINGS. Johanny's frosted Bearers. Chinchillas, light and dark. Super quality black>ribbfld Beavers. UP-STAIRS DEPARTMENT. In CLOAK ROOM, fine ‘ Cloaks, of fashionable ma terial. Cloaks made to order. Select the Cloths down ■tairs. BOYS* CLOTHING ROOM, well stocked with fine ■nits, overcoats, &c. 'Boys’ and Men’s Clothing made toorier. COOPER * CONARO, 8027-tf -S. E. cor. BIHTH & MARKET. JAS. DENNY, S E. COB. ELEVENTH “ and LOUBABD, lias on band and offers tor sale, at low “BLACK SILKS. BLACK SILKS. 26, 27, 28, 34 In- BLAOK SILKS,, at $1 37,,51 60, $162, 9175, and $2. ; These are from tie lecent Auction Sales, and were imported-when gold was a great deal lower than it is at present. - • DRESS GOODS. One lot all-wool Reps, choice 5hade5,......,........5100 One lot Plaid Reps* new style. 75 Svenr shade and quality of French tferlnoes, cheap. One lot 10*4 English Cobnrgs, every 5hade........... 125 Valencias; from S7K PPto 62>f. „ SHAWLS. SHAWLS All wool Long Shawls, at $6 50. $7.25, $8.25. $lO, $10.50. One lot all-wool 10-4 Blankets*. * •$£ ® One lot all wool 11*4 Blankets.... -8 50 One case all-wool 11-4 Blankets, very heavy -.10 CO One case all-wool 12-4 Blankets, slightly damaged. 12 CO One case all-wool 12 4 Blankets, extra heavy. 13 GO One case all-wool 12.4-Blankets, fine and heavy-.. 15 00 Also, one lot all-wool JGray Blankets, weighing nine Sounds. $5 fiO. These are very cheap Domestics, cheaper lan they can he bought wholesale. Dresß uooaij w every description low. *A full line of Cassimeres, for ©enfs. * and-Boya’-wear, at JA6IBB DENNY’S. del-61* S- E. cor. ELEVENTH and LOMBARD. TOHN' !•’. VYQJJNG, U No. TO North FOURTH, Street, 'Will oseo tiiladay.-l case Figured Mohairs;; I case Cobnrgs. at greatly reduced prices. - Also, 40 pairs sapor all-wool Blaniela at $7.50. Ha mrvassaf in V‘is rntJl'ket. dßi-iat H STEEL -SON WOULD CALL • attention to their Stock of FINE DRESS GOODS, all bought at very low prices, early in the season, and at the recent Atiction Sales: m ' French'Merinoea,“-75c to 52. 80. French Poplins and Bops. B?Kc to $l l5. ! Dress-Goods of every,variety. 20p to $2. 8,000 yards two-yam wide Mtidrapes, SI. 25. I Blanket Shawls, a greatvarlety of styles, *1.25 to *l3. Brocho Shawls, great bargains, *9.50 to So4._ Circulars and Streams, of all kinds of Cloths, at low brlces. ' / Fancy Silks,*sl to *5. Plain Foil de Boies,'-®1.25 to #2 50. mn ■. Moire Antiques and Corded Silks, #3. SO to *5. “ ;Noe. Tl 3 and 715 North TENTH St. 1 Lot All-wool Shaker Flannels, 62M0, worth 80c. no 25 loaft CHESTNUT ST BEET. - E. M. NEEDLES IS tEOßiraa DAII.T AI.Y. DBSISABLE HOVBLTIBS LATEST IMPORTATIONS, Ift LA&2& < 4MBEOIMRIBB. „ - HfcSTDXBBCSIBFS, lOa* CHESTNUT BTHBET. CORNER OP EIGHTH AND SPRING V CfABDBSI BEAUTIFUL AND SEASONABLE GOODS! PBICES MUCH LOWES THAN ELBEWHEKE! Wo are Belling heßt quality of French Poplins, all Sills and W001.'f0r.51.8315 per yard. . Sold down-town not ■lest than *2. THORNLEY & CHISM. A LE-WOOL POPLINS AND REPS, *3L f or sl. Excellent French Merlnoes for $1.25. ■ A fine stock of Delaines and Calicoes. All-Wool Plaid Cashmeres in great variety. THORNLEY & CHISM, Corner of EIGHTH and SPRING GARDEN. THORNLEY & CHISM A . ' ARE SELLING Power-Loom.Table Linens, Shaker and ocher Flannels, _ Extra Saner-super Rochdale Blankets, f frosted Beaver and other Cloths, Oaasimeres, &c. ,&c, < r VERY CHEAP, f EADQUARTERS FOR SHAWLS! - Long and Square Broche Shawls, • Long and Square Blanket Shawls, Plaid Bhawia, Striped Shawls, Plain Shawls, &c., Children’s Shawls, Misses’ Shawlß, Cents' Shawls, Long and /iquare Black Thibet Shawls, At THORNLEY & CHISM’S, S. E. Corner of EIGHTH and SPRING GARDEN. SILKS 1 SILKS! ~ Good Black Silks for $1 Better for *1.25, HISO. $1.75, $3. anil #2 25 per yard. Plain Brown, Blue. Puuple. and Green Silks, for $1.50. Black figured Silks. Plaid Bilks, Ac , Ac. BEAUTIFUL BHOCHE SCARFS. A LARGE STOCK OF BALMORAL SKIRTS, Ahd all other h icds of Goode, comprising , A FIRST-CLASS STOCK. At THORNLEY & CHISM’S, noZl-Zm N.E.Cot.EIGHTH and SPRING GARDEN. WINTER SILKS. : A Lot of Fancy Silks, , Autumn and Winter stylos. . _ At very low prices BROTHERS, CHESTNUT and.EIGHTH Streets. awls foe friends. A Lotof Seal-skin Shawls, Somewhat Imperfect. At very low prices. BHARPLBSS BROTHERS. CHBSTBTDT and EIGHTH Strata. SPECIAL NOTICE— KARTELL'S ALL-GLASS FRUIT JARS. *EW CAPSULE FRUIT JABS. AMERICAN AND FRENCH GLASS SHADES. BEAUTIFUL FBEHBRIBB. KARTELL k LETOHWORTH, SDS-HA3I Vo. 13 Nortk FIFTH EteMt, LADIES’ CLOAKS. “ALPACAS, CO BURGS, DELAINES. delia WHITE GOODS, VEILS. *«.. k* VOL. 7-NO. 107. lA€E CURTAILS. J^OYEBTIES C H E TATA S." I. E. WALRAYEN, SDCCBSSOE TO W.-H. CABRTL. MASONIC HALL, JEWELRY, PLATED WARE, &c. ■J’WENTY-FIVE PER CENT. SAVED BY PURCHASING TOUR WATCHES, JEWELRY, BUYER-PLATED WARE, D. W. GLARE’S, 00» CHESTHOT BTBEET, Where may he found a fine of the following Hoods. at-Twenty-Ayo per cent, less than at any other establishment: Gold Watches. Silver Watches, Plated Watches. American Watches, English. Watches. Swiss Watches* Bracelets* Setts. Fins. ■ Ear Rings, Finger Bings* / Sleeve Buttons, Stads, Medallions, Neck Chains. Guard Chains. Chataline Chains, Test Chains* Pencils, • Thimbles. Fens and Cases* Tooth Picks, Gents' Bosom Pins* Cents' Scarf Pins* Gents I Scarf Rinse* Armlets, Charms. WatchKeTSa Watch Hooks, Watch Bars, &0., &o. SILVER-PLATED WARE. Tea Bette, Wine Castors, Dinner Castors, Breakfast Castors* Cake Baskets* Card Baskets* Butter Coolers, Sugar Bowls,' Salt Stands, Call Bells, Goblete, Caps, Spoon Holders, Napkin Rings, . Syrup Pitchers, , Cream Pitchers, Table and Dessert Spoons* Tea. and Balt Bpoons, Dinner and Tea Fork*, Fish and PitfKniveijU Tea and Dinner Kntros, Oyster and Soup Ladles, Children's Knife and Fork,' Butter Knives, Sc., &c. One ea.ll will convince the most incredulous that the cheapest place in the city to buy Watches, Jewelry, and Silver-Plated Ware, i. at „ w CLARK’S. 60* CHESTNUT Street. N. B.—Fine Watches and Jewelry carefully repaired by the most experienced workmen and warranted. nolfl-tdeSl '*•- CIOTHING. 008O 0B O VEH C O ATS. + ■ - WIXAIAKKR & BROWN, OAK HALL, S. E. COE. SIXTH AND MARKET STREETS. jjJDWABD P. KELLY, JOHN KELLV, TAILORS, lt» SOUTH THIRD BTES3T. mtAh THB SXOHANOI, FORMERLY CHESTNUT.ABOVE SEVENTH, Bat. now In .tor. a LARGE STrfCE and .amulet* U ■ortment of FALL AND WINTER GOODS. TERMS CASH. —Price* much lower than acv other lnt-cla» establishment. ' ,o«18-tf QIiAOK CASS. PANTS, $5.50, JO At 704 MARKET Street SLACK GASS. PANTS, *5.50, At 704 MARKET Street SLACK CASS. PANTS, *5.50, At 704 MARKET Street SLACK CASK PANTS. *5.50, At 704 MARKET Street 3LAOK GASS. PANTS, *5.59, At 704 MARKET Street GBISG A VAR GUNTER'S, Ro. 704 MABKET Street. GRIGS A VAR GUNTER’S, Ro. 704 MARKET Street GBIGG & VAR GUNTER’S, Ro. 704 MARKET Street GRIGS A VAR GUNTER'S, Ro. 704 MABKET Street GBIGG A VAR GUNTER'S. Ro, 704 MARKET Street ie24-0m - GENT'S FURNISHING GOODS. E M 0 Y A L. LUSTFOIRID LTTiSIEISrS HAS REMOVED FROM No. 31 SOUTH SIXTH STREET, TO JL W. COBSEIt SIXTH AM) CHESTNUT, ■ Where he now offers a LARGE AND ELEGANT STOCK GENTS’ FURNISHING GOODS, Embracing All the latest noreltlei. PRICES MODERATE. The attention of the public l> reapeotfnllr «0- llelted. BHIETB MADE TO ORDER. Cc2B-Sm fJENTLEMEN’S FURNISHING V GOODS. McINTIRE & BROTHER, Vo. 1035 OHBSTMUT STBBBT. AN ENTIBILT NEW STOCK. SUPERIOR UNDERCLOTHING, HO SIERY, HDKFS, CRAVATS, *c. B - Stocks and Napoleon Ties made to order. W-An elegant assortment of Kid Gloves. ' Gentlemen’s Dressing Gowns In great.TUtety. «“The “ MODEL SHIRT ’’ always on hand and made to order. V/ osM'Sm JOHN O. ARRISON, NOS. 1 AND 3 N. SIXTH STREET, HAS HOW IN STORE A PINE ASSORTMENT OP GENTLEMEN’S FURNISHING GOODS FOR . FALL AND WINTER WEAK. Also, Manufactures from the Best Material and In a Superior Manner by HAND: Fine SHIRTS and COLLARS. Shaker Flannel SHIRTS and DRAWEES. Heavy Red-twilled Flannel SHIRTS and DRAWEES/* English Canton Flannel SHIRTS and DRAWERS. Buckskin SHIRTS and DRAWERS. Cloth TRAVELLING SHIRTS. WRAPPERS, STOCKS, TIBS, Ac. And sold at the most moderate prices. c«7-6m WINE SHIRT MANUFACTORY. A she ahhecrlher would Invite attention to his . . IMPROVED CUT OF SHIRTS, Whisk he makes a specialty In his bnsineae. Also, con stantly receiving NOVELTIES FOR GENTLEMEN'S WEAK. J. W. SCOTT, ■’ GENTLEMEN’S FURNISHING STORE. Vo. 814 CHESTNUT STREET, JaSS-tf Four doors below the Continental. MIIfcIKERT GOODS. FRENCH FLOWERS, 1863. FEATHERS, LACES, RIBBONS, & NEW -STYLE HATS; ■ JUST OPENED AT THOS. KENNEDY A BBO.’S, Mo. MB CHESTNUT Street, below Eighth. •*IS-3m Tl 9 CHESTNOT Street. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1863. OPINION OF HON. JOHN M. READ, OF THB SUPREME COURT OF PENNSYLVANIA) In Favor of tlie Constitutionality of tire Act of Congress of Marcll 3, 18G3, “For Enrolling and Calling Out tile National Forces and for Other Purposes," Delivered at Pittsburg ou Monday, Nov. 9, 1863. Three bills in equity were filed in the Supreme Court for tho Eastern diatriot, by three individuals, against the officers of the Enrolling Board of the Third CongreEßicm&l district, praying for injunctions to re strain the defendants from further proceeding with or under such enrolment* requisition* and draft, under the act of 3d March, 1863, and particularly from, all ■ proceedings against the said plaintiffs. The ground alleged for these Applications was the unoonatitu tionalityof this act of Codgresß. A motion for a special injunction was made in each case at Nisi Prius* before Mr. Justice Woodward, who requested his brethren, to sit with him at the hearing. The cases were argued before a full bench, at Philadel phia, on Wednesday, the 23<1 of September last, by, Messrs. George M. Wharton and Charles Ingersoll for the plaintifft, no counsel appearing on behalf of the defendants. There being a disagreement in the Court, each judge delivered a separate opinion at Pittsburg, on Monday, the 9th of November. Chief Justice Lowrie and Justices Woodward and Thomp son were in favor of granting the injunctions, upon the ground that the act was unconstitutional, wkilst Justices Strong and Bead were against granting the injunctions, and were of opinion that the act of Con gress was constitutional. The injunctions granted were only preliminary, and were limited to the CAtes of the three plaintiff's in these bills. The following is the opinion of Judge Bead ' OPINION. The power of the Government of. the United States extends over all the States and Territories of the Union, ir has no rival in the State Govern* meats, whose power is Btriotly confined to their own territorial limits. It is ' the only representative of the people recognlzedby foreign nations, in their various relations with us, in time of war and peace.. All the powers, therefore, vested in the National -Go* vernmcDt, are necessarily supreme and paramount, and cannot be rightfully disobeyed by her citizens. The General Government has the sole and exclu sive power of declaring war and making peace, of raising and supporting armies, of providing and maintaining a navy, of laying and collecting taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, ana provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States, and of borrowing money on the credit of the United States. The avowed ob ject of these and other powers, vested in the Gene ral Government, was to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility , provide Tor the common defence, promote the general wel fare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people of the United States and their posterity. It was therefore solemnly declared,'and made a funda mental article of the National. Constitution, that the Constitution, and the laws or the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all? 'treaties made, or whioh shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shah be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound .thereby, anything in the Constitu tion or laws of any State to the contrary notwith standing. . \ The power to raise armies for the United States 'being vested solely in Congress, the legislative branch of the Government, it must “exist’without limitation; because it is impossible to foresee or to define.the extent and variety of national exigencies, land the correspondent extent and variety of the means which may he necessary to satisfy them. The/ circumstances that endanger the safety of nations are infinite; and for this reason no constitutional shackles can wisely be imposed on the power to Whieli the care of it is committed. This power ought to be coextensive with all the possible combi* nations of such circumstances, and ought to be un der the. direction of the same councils which are ap pointed to preside over the common defence.” “The result from all this is, that the'TJnion ought to be invested with full power to levy troops, to„ build and equip fleets, and to raise the- revenues. which will be required for the formation and support of an army aod navy in the customary and ordinary: modes practised in other Governments,”and..“ there ■ can be no limitation of that authority which is to provide for the defence and protection of the com munity in any manner essential to its efficiency ; that is, in any manner essential to the formation , aU rection , or support o/jtte Rational forces.” The neces sity oi employing a regular force in case of seditions and insurrections is forcibly portrayed'ln the 2Sfch number of the Federalist. No person is naturally exempted from taking up arras in defence of tbe State—the obligation of every member of society being the same. Those alone are excepted who are incapable of handling arms or sup porting the fatigues of war. This is the reason why old men, children, and women are excepted. “ The clergy cannot naturally, and as a matter of right, ar rogate to themselves anypeculiar exemption. To defend one's country is an notion not unworthy of the most sacred hands.'' Every citizen is bound to serve and defend the State as far as he is capable; and it would seem that the duty incumbent on every citizen to defend his country, aB well from foreign aggression or injury as from intestine disorders, was fully recognized by the common law. • In the first Constitution of Pennsylvania, and in those of several other states, the duty of the citizen to yield his peisonal service when necessary, or an equivalent thereto, is distinctly asserted. This is the more remarkable in our State, as, owing to tbe preponderating influence of the Society of Friends, thgcoloDyhad no efficient militia law at any time, and, in ,tbe earlier and later periods of its history, none at all. In 1756 the Assembly prepared a new militia bill, by which all the male inhabitants were subjected to military duty, commutable for a flue in the ordinary courts of justice. The officers, how ever, were still elective, for* whioh reaaon the Go vernor objected to the bill. He also required that persons alleging conscientious scruples against bearing arms should appear in open court, and de* olare*to what society they belonged ; that they were tiuly and religiously opposed to war; and that a court martial should be authorized to punish by death or otherwise, as was provided by the English militia bil. But the House, unwilling to strength en the hands of the Executive, by giving him the ap pointment of the officers, and to lodge such powers in courts* martial, refused to remodel their bill. The battle of Lexington having roused the indig nation of the people, the Committee of Corre spondence of the city and cAmty of Philadel phia, to supply the want of a militia law, called a meeting of the citizens, who resolved to form a, mili tary association, for .the protection of their proper ty, their liberty, and their lives. This association extended through every county of the province, its members furnishing themselves with the necessary .•arms. The Assembly approved the association, and engaged to provide for the pay and sustenance of those called into actual service. The Committee of Public Safety prepared articles for the government of this military association, but the citizens refused to Blgn them, alleging that many persons, rich and able to perform military duty, claimed exemption under pretence, of conscientious, scruples. JBoth parties addressed, the Assembly, the Commit tee of Correspondence, and of the officers and soldiers of the military association, saying emphatically, “Be this as it may, self-pre servation is the first duty of nature, which every man indispensably owes, not only to himself, but to the Supreme Director and Governor of the universe who gave him being. In political society all men by ; the original compact are required to unite in the de fence of the community against such as would un lawfully deprive them of their rights, and those who withdraw themselves from this compact are not en titled to the protection of the society. The safety of the people is the supreme law. He who receives an equal benefit should bear an equal burden.” The Assembly imposed a fine oq air able-bodied effective male white persons capable of bearing arms, not associators, between the ages of sixteen and fifty years; ministers ■of the Gospel of all denomi nations, school-masters in actual employ, and ser vants purchased bona Jide, and for a valuable con sideration, only excepted, whioh fine was largely in creased by the first Assembly under the State Con stitution. The Revolutionary Congress was a-body entirely dependent on the will of the several States, and the good feeling of their citizens, for the Articles or Con* federation were not fmally ratified by all the States until the. Ist March, 17S1. j ' The Congress assigned the quota of troops to the several States, and they followed the example by apportioning to the several counties the quota to be furnished by each. This division of the State was again to be subdivided into Claeses, and each class was to furnish a man by con tribution or taxes imposed. In some instances a draft was to be'used in the last resort. Pennsyl vania concentrated the requisite power in the Presi dent, Mr. Peed, and authorized him to draw forth the resources of the State, under certain' limita tions, and, if necessary, to declare martial law over the State. The Articles of Confederation did not really In crease the powers of Congress, for the' land forces were to. beraißed by the several States upon re quisitions for their several quotas, and the Legis lature of eacbr State was to appoint the regimental officers, raise the men. and clothe and arm and equip them in a soldierlike manner, at the expense of the United States, and march them to the place appointed.' 'AU the action, therefore, of the Con federacy was upon the States, and not upon the people, and its entire inadequacy to fulfil the pur- poses of a general government was felt and ac knowledged by all reflecting men. It was simply a confederacy, while the Constitution of 1787 is a truly national government, abtiug not upon the State governments, but directly upon the people of the United States, as a nation, by whose free will it was established. : The power, therefore, toraise and support armies was, from sheer necessity, given to Congress, for it was a light which could not. from the nature of things, be reserved to the people, nor to the States, who could not step beyond their own narrow limits. It is clear, then, that whatever means might be re quired to raise an arm; could be used by the Con gress, and they were the sole judges of its expediency and propriety. Now, there is not a word in the Constitution limiting the natural power of the Go vernment over its citizens, to oblige them to render personal service as soldiers, nor is there a single phrase implying that they can only be compelled to serve when they choose to do so by voluntary enlist ment. The plan of General Knox, Secretary of War, submitted to Congtess by General Washington, con templated as liable to service all persons between the ages of’eighteen and Blxty, and stated certain general principles on which it was formed; the lourthia in these words: “ That every man of the proper age and ability of body, is firmly bound, by the social compact, to perform personally his pro portion of military dutv for the defence of the State.” Rhode Island was the last State which ratified the Constitution. On the 29th May, 1790, their Conven tion made a declaration of rights, the 18th paragraph of whieh was: " That any person religiously scru pulous of bearing arms ought to be exempted upon paying an equivalent to employ another to bear arms in his stead.” They at the same time proposed certain amendments to the Constitution, the sixth of which was; u That no person shall be compelled to do military duty otherwise than by voluntary en listment, except in cases of general invasion, any thing in the second paragraph of the sixth article of the Constitution, or any law made under-the Consti tution; to the contrary notwithstanding.” The works of Burlamaqui. Montesquieu, Puffen dorf, Grotius,'Locke, Yattel, and all the writers on' government and , the laws of nations, were familiar to the statesmen of ,the Revolution, and were largely used in theirdiscussions, which from necessity in-'* volved the fundamental principles of civil society. No one, for instance, can read the second chapter of the third book of Vattel’a Law of Nations, without seeing that the clause, to raise and support armies, and the , consequent power-to oblige every able bodied man to become a soldier, is but an embodied expression of the sound , views of this enlightened writer. The very volume I quote from bears the marks of the studies, most probably, of some of the great men who framed the Constitution, and to whom the use of the library had been tendered. » : There can therefore be no doubt that 2 the contem poraneous construction of . this olause was that adopted by General Knox and approved by ,Presi dent Washington, particularly when .we advert to the amendment of Rhode Island, proposed four PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1863. months afterward*, to confine this oompulsory power to cases of general invasion. g in the second fwar of independence, Mr. Monroe, then {Secretary of War, with the approbation of Mr. Madison* a framer of the Constitution* and one of the authors or The Federalist* proposed a plan to Congress by which the free male population of the United States, between eighteen and forty-five years, be formed into classes of one hundred men, each olreb to furnish men for the war, within thirty days after theolaseitioation, and replace them, in the event of any casualty. If any class failed to provide the men required of it, within the time spe cified, they ehould be raised by draft on the whole class, any person thus drafted being allowed to fur nish a substitute. This, therefore, was a compulso ry draft, and the argument of Mr. Monroe in favor of the power of Congress is clear, full, and exhaus tive, and never has been Answered. (See Note A.) It was opposed by the peace men of that day, gen tlemen who favored the Hartford Convention, and who were entirely opposed to the general Adminis tration, and the further prosecution of the war. Mr. Charles J. Ingersoll supported the measure in a very able speech, and, after a lapse of thirty-seven years, hie deliberate judgment was in favor of its constitu-. tionality. The war was drawing near to a close* all parties expected peace, and the news of it in Febru ary. 1815, stopped all further warlike preparations.. In the State of New York, then strongly in favor of the Administration and the vigorousproseoution of the war, at a special session of the Legislature, called by Governor .Tompkins, Mr. Van Buren in troduced a bill into the Senate to raise twelve thou sand men by drafting* and placing them in the ser vice of the United States, which, after being amend ed, became a law on the 24th of Ootober, 1814. It was stigmatized as a conscription bill by the opposi tion, and in .the Council of Revision, Chancellor Kent reported objections, the first of which was: “ Because the Constitution of the United States has granted to Congress the power to raise and support armies, and with it the exclusive power to layS-nd collect imposts, aifd the concurrent power to lay and collect taxes, duties, and excises, in order to provide for the common defence and general welfare. 1 ' These objections were, however, overruled by Governor Tompkins, Chief Justice Thompson* and Spencer and Yates, justices of the Supreme Court, and the hill became a law. The same Legislature passed an act to raise a corps of four'thousand sea fenoibles. and also an act for raising two. regiments of men of color. y Governor Tompkins was an ardent supporter of the war, and a most popular executive, and was re warded by a grateful people by being twice elected to the high office of Vice President of the United States, A bill of a similar character was introduced into the Senate of Pennsylvania, entitled“An act to raisefor a limited time a military force,!! 1 which passed that body by a vote of twenty-one to nine, but was lost in the House. Mr, Nicholas Biddle, then a member of the Senate from Philadelphia* made a very able speech in favor of the bill, and voted for it. On the 3d March, 1863, Congress passed “An act for enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other purposes," by 'which all able-bodied male citizens, and persons of foreign rbirth who shall have declared on oath their intention to become’citi* zen*, between the ages of twenty and forty-five years, except as therein excepted, Are declared to constitute the national forces, and to be liable to perfoim military duty in the service of the United States, when called out by the President for that purpose. These forces were divided into two classes. Those who were drawn by lot, after having been* regularly enrolled, unless exempted by law, were either to serve as soldiers, or to procure subati-. tutes, or to pay three hundred dollar’s. The service is, therefore, compulsory, 'or in the words of the Declaration of Bights to our first Constitution, the drafted man must yield his “personal service,” or 55 an equivalent thereto,” for. Congress h&B decided it is necessary. T cannot, therefore, doubt that this act of Congress, in the .present situation of the country, is a clearly constitutional exercise of power by the supreme Legislature of the Union. This is the view entertained by two judges of the United States courts, both men of eminent learning and talents, and living in different districts—l mean -Judge Betts, of New York, and Judge Cadwalader, of Pennsylvania. ' If there ever was an occasion to call every man into tbe service of his oountry, it U the present one, when we are engaged in combating the most formi dable, wicked, and causeless rebellion known in his* tory, of which the object of its traitorous leaders is to destroy the Union, to erect a purely slave con federacy, and to make Pennsylvania a border State, exposed to the annual inroads of unprincipled ene mies. I am, therefore, for using the whole popula tion, if necessarj', of the loyal States, to extinguish this treasonable rebellion. I have no idea of allow ing Northern sympathizers to stay at home, whilst loyal men fight their battles and protect their pro perty. I would oblige all such men to render their full Biiare.of military service, and if I had the power, I would place the’New York rioters in the front ranks ©f the army. . . We have, however, been referred to the example of England, as showing that the framers of the Con stitution contemplated the armies of the Union should only be raised by voluntary enlistment. This jhas been said without a sufficient examination of Ithc acts of the. English Parliament, all of which were perfectly familiar to our Revolutionary stateß .men. ?-*1nT704,1756,1757, 1775, and 1779, acta were passed ?forsgeciuitlng of hia Majesty’s land forces and ma rices, directing a speedy, and effectual levy of able ; bodied men to serve aa soldiers The commissioners under these acts were required to levy and raise all able-bodied idle and disorderly persons who o'annot, upon examination, prove themselves tpexerciaeand icduatriously follow some la wful ; tra&e or emplov- : ment, or to have some substance svjfteimt for their sup port and maintenance , to serve his Majesty as soldiers. If, upon their delivery .to the= military officers, -such men shall appear more proper for service by sea than by. land, they may be delivered over to any commis sioned officer of his Majesty’s fleet, to serve as com mon sailors. None were to be impressed under six teen or above the age of fifty, or who had a vote in the election of members of Parliament. .If an able-bodied man had sufficient substance, however idle and disorderly: he might be, he could not be impressed, and the evident object of these acts was to force thepoor man to serveat all events, and never to call compulsorily upon the nobility and gentry and the middle classes of the kingdom. Lora Mahon gives a strong instanoe of this in the case of a gentleman being by some mistake pressed for a sun confined in the Savoy, and as the habeas corpus act of Charles the Second applied only to criminal cases, could only he released from imprisonment upon an application to the Secretary of War. Impressment for the navy has always existed in England. In speaking of these modes of raising men for the army and navy, a very able writer of the present day says, “ But perhaps the greatest anomaly in our laws—the most signal:exception to personal freedom—is to be found in the custoni of impressment for the land and sea service. There; A iaJnpthing in compatible with freedom in o conScriptioh^or-foreed levy of men for the defence of the oountijrrt&t jnay be submitted to in the freest ment of;taxes.. The service of every \ required in Buch a form as the £?tate' deterhiraesl;: But impressment is the arbitrary and capribUSljta; seizure of individuals from among the of citizens. It differs from conscription as a pattra cular confiscation differs from a general tax.” 7 v y£ In England, when the militia cannot be filled by" 'volunteers, the men (the privates) are selected by compulsory ballot, and by *n act of 30th June, 185-2, 1 the Q,ueen was authorized to raise eighty thousand private militia men, which might be increased to one hundred and twenty thousand. . In fact, conscription, or its equivalent, has been' resorted to by every civilized nation. The Government have nev§r had in any single portion ! of the world in active service a native army much exceeding sixty thousand; the number which ihva-' ded France in 1814, whilst the armies of the other’ allied powers amounted to a million of men. f The present rebellion, according to Lord Coke 1 , is a war. “So when by invasion, insurrection, rebel-: lion, or such like, the peaoeable course of juatioeVis; disturbed and stopped, so as the courts of justice bjej' as it were, shut up, et silent leges inter arnia, then it is said to be time of war;” and such, also, is theopia- J ion of the Supreme Oourt of the United States, and of this court. The individuals making war against us are both traitors and enemies, and it is waged upon a scale of the greatest magnitude, calling into the service of the country an army of eight hundred thousand men. It is, therefore, the duty of the Government to use every meanß within the Bcope of their authority to recruit the armies of the Union, and to sustain the gallant soldieraland generals who, by their glorious efforts and sacrifices, are gradually hut certainly restoring the Union to the full extent of its ancient limits. I am, therefore, of the opinion that the act in question is constitutional, and that on this ground the motion' for a special injunction should be re fused. Here I might stop, but as I have grave rea sons for believing that this court has no power in the premises, it ia proper to state my views upon this point. The proposition submitted to this court by the counsel of the plaintiff's is, that a State tribunal should prohibit an officer of the United States, aot ing in strict conformity to an act of Congress, from performing the dutieß imposed upon him by law. I cannot think we have any such power. If we have it, has not the Governor or the Legislature the same power ] and if bo, to what must it inevitably lead?—a collision between the National Govern ment and one or more of the branches of the ; Sbate Government, of which the judiciary ia certainly the weakest, we have had seriouajessons on this sub ject. which should teach us to bc'careful in asserting that the State authorities are to ho the judges of the constitutional powers of the General Government, In 1812, ths judgesof the Supreme chueeltr, all of wlio in turn were shief j#tioes, gave their opinion that Governor Strong, anil not the President, was the judge of the exigencies in which the militia could he called into the service of the’ United States. This opinion was solemnly over-- ruled by the unanimous decision 'Of the Supreme Court of the United States upon this same question. A celebrated convention, in 1815,in relation to Mr. Monroe’s bill for a draft, used this language: “The power of compelling the militia and other citizens of the United States, by a forcible draft or conscrip tion, to Eerve in the regular armleß, as proposed 1 in a late official letter of the Secretary of War, is not delegated to Congress by the Constitu tion, and the exercise of it would be not less dangerous to their liberties than hostile to the sovereignty of tho States. The effort to de duce this power from the right of raising armies is a flagrant attempt to pervert the sense of the clause in the Constitution which confers that right,’ and is incompatible with other provisions in thatin strument. The armies of the United States have always been raised by contract, never by conscrip tion, and nothing more can be wantlDg to a govern ment possessing the power thus claimed to enable it to usurp the entire control ol the militia, in deroga tion of the authority of the State, and to convert it by impressment into a standing army.” They, also denounced as unconstitutional the la w authorizing the enlistment of minora and apprentices without the consent of parents and guardians. The remedy proposed by the Convention was contained in its first resolution: “Resolved, That it be, and hereby is recommended to the Legislatures of the several States represented in this Convention, to adopt all suoh measures 'as may be necessary to protect the citizens from the operation and effects of all acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress of the United States* which shall contain provisions subjecting the militia: or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or impressments not authorized by the Constitution of the United States.” We may presume that neither the executive nor legislative branches of our State Government would r adopt so unpatriotic a course, originally marked but by a body of men who, however respectable In pri vate life, were believed by the dominant party and the people of that day to entertain designs of a trea sonable character. Their reward was a forced re tirement from public life, and Involuntary political oblivion. But this appeal is made to the State'judiciary, who clearly have no more right to interfere with an officer of the United Stateß, holding any citizen under the authority of the United States, under a law of the United States, upon an allegation of un conititutionality, than the State Executive or the State Legislature would have. This Is clear. The Supreme Court of the United States have, indeed, decided this question ,in direct terms, Intended to prevent all Interferences of State authorities, with the execution of the laws of the United States by their own officers. It will be recollected that the present application is a substitute for the writ of habeas corpus, which has been suspended; and that the plaintiffs in the cases before us allege that they have been drafted, and have received notice of the draft, and are placed on the footing of enlisted sol-. diets, and liable to be punished as deserters should, they fail to report for duty, which they have done. All these facts appear on the face of , the plaintiffs’ bills offcomplaint, and the court is judfolaUy.ap prised that they are in custody, under the authority of the United States.; Chief Justice Taney says,- "They then know that the prisoner is within the fominion and jurisdiction of another government, and that neither the writ of habeas corpus, nor any other process issued under State authority, can pass over the line between ths two sovereignties. He is within the dominion and exclusive jurisdlo-. tion of the United States. 11 “No judicial process, whatever form it may assume, can have any lawful authority outside of the limits of. the jurisdiction of the court or judges by whom it is issued,*and an at tempt to enforce it beyond these boundaries is no thing leas than lawless violence," whioh would be resisted by force. The doctrine contended for by the plaintiffs l coun sel, is simply the Calhoun hereßy of nullification exploded by General Jackson, applied, not by a con vention or a State legislature, but by a State judici ary, who may* by preliminary injunctions, stop the ; raising of armies, and the collection of taxes, du ties, imports, .and and thus paralyze the arm of ? Government when stretched out .to repel a foreign foe, or to suppress a rebellion, backed by several hundred thousand men in the field. I can not agree that this court can nullify an act of Gon gress by any prohibitory writ. ; I therefore think this Court has no power to en tertain these bills* and of course no authority to grant the injunotionß prayed for* in which I find I am supported by the Supreme Court of Michigan. : But I am also of opinion, that we have no power, fsitting'aa a court of equity, to grant the relief prayed ) for.. Our authority U alleged to proceed from the i 6th! clause of the 13th section of the aot oflSth June. 1836. which is in these words: The Supreme Court : (ana-now.all the courts of Common Pleas and Dis trict Courts), shall have the power and jurisdiction of Courts of Chancery, so far as relates to “Vr The prevention or restraint of the commission or con tinuance of acts.contrary to law and prejudicial to the interests of the community, or the rights of in dividuals." Now neither in this provision, nor in the'rcport of the revisers, nor in any of the decisions of the court* do I find any warrant to grant injunctions to stop the proceedings of officers of the United States* under acts of Oonßresß regularly enacted. If such be our power, then the sooner the legislature in terposes its legitimate power to alter the law* and to prevent the various courts of the State from.ex ercising a jurisdiction with whioh they never in tended to investtbem, the better. I am* therefore, of opinion, that under the act of Assembly, we have no such jurisdiction as is here claimed. APPENDIX t A.j EXTRACT FROM "MR. MONROS'B LETTER Off OCTO' 888 17, 1814. “Nor does there appear to be any'well founded objection to the right in Congress to adopt this plan, or to its equality in its application to our fellow-citi zens individually., Congress have a right, by the Constitution, to raise regular armies, and no re straint is imposed in the exercise of it, except in the provisions whioh are intended to guard generally against the abuse of power, with none of which does this plan interfere. It is proposed that it shall ope rate on all alike, that none shall be exempted from it except the Chief Magistrate of the United States, end the Governors of the several States. “It would be absurd to suppose that Congress could not carry this power, into effect, otherwise' than by accepting the voluntary service of Indi viduals,-It might happen that an army could not be raised .in 'that mode, whence the power would have been granted nrwain. The safety-of the state might depend on such an army. Long*continued invasions, conducted by regular well-disciplined troops, can beat be repelled by troops kept con stantly in the field, and equally well disciplined. Courage in an army is in a great measure me chanical. A small body, well trained, accustomed to action, gallantly led on, often breaks three or four times the number of more respectable and more brave, but raw and undisciplined troops. The sense of danger is diminished by frequent exposure to it without harm ; and confidence, even in the timid, is inspired by a knowledge that reliance may be placed on others, which can grow i The intention of the Legislature in giving the writ of injunction was to enable the court to restrain nuisance, trespass, waite, and proceedings at law, but'never to substiitute it for the writ of habeas corpiTa in favor of a person in custody. It is clear that the State writ could not be üßed to restrain pro ceedings at law in a oourt of the United States. Be fore the act of June 16, 1836, the Supreme Court pos sessed no general equity powers, and could not issue writs of injunction, and the Legislature never dreamed that by these words that court would claim, under them, to atop the execution of the laws of the United States, by officers appointed by the General Government in the'regular performance of their offl ciaf'duties. The Colored Troops—An Order by General . Gilmore- GENERAL ORDERS—No, ICS. . DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH, Headquarters in the Field, . Folly Island, S. C., Nov. as, 1803. t. The Major General commanding has heretofore had occasion to rebuke Offioeiß of this command for fiffpoaing improper labors upon colored troops, He is now Informed that the abuses sought to db cor ! rectcd still exist. Attention is called to General Or der No. 77, ourrent series, from these headquarters, : and commanding officers are enjoined to see to its : strict enforcement. Colored troops will not he re quired to perform any labor which is not shared by the white troops; but will receive, in ail respects; the same treatment and be allowed the same opportuni ties for drill and instruction. .By command of Major General Cf.. A. GILMORE. Ed; "W. Smith, Assistant Adjutant General. Official— lsrael R. Seeley, Captain 47th New York Tola., A. A. A. G. A Good Wold for Me. Lincoln.— lt is some amends for the ridicule which has been so un sparingly heaped by certain foreign presses updn Mr! Lincoln, that the London Sjiectalor , one of the most intelligent and most respectable journals in Europe, finds occasion for the following words about him: " ■ "" “ Mr. Lincoln has been tested as few governors have ever been tested, and though he may not al ways have risen fully to the level of a great emer gency, he has seldom failed to display: a noble im partiality, a great firmness of purpose, and a saga cious, IT somewhat utilitarian, judgment. ♦ * Tte believe a juster man never held the reins of Go vernment.” ■ _ The Chicago Tribune says that Mr. Hoes, a pub lic-spirited jeweller of that city, offered a prize of a $5O gold watch to the largest contributor to the great Sanitary Fair. It turns out that President Lincoln was; the largest contributor, his proclama tion having brought $3,000 for the benefit of the fair. Accordingly, Mr. Hoes has decided that the prize belongs to the President,'and sent on the watch, but not' a $5O watch, but a magnificent one worth $l5O, With this inscription upon it: “ Presented to Abra ham Lincoln as a memorial from the Northwestern Sanitary Fair, in consideration of his being the largest contributor to that enterprise.” A letter accompanies it, explaining the matter. THE REBEL STATES. The Battle of Chattanooga. GENERAL BRAGG’S DESPATCHES. Correspondence on the Exchange of Prisoners. Card of Defence From General x>. xr. uni. SPEECH OF HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON. THE BATTLE BEFORE CHATTANOOGA. CTrom the Riehmoad Whiff, Ifov. 30,] For the first time in a great battle Confederate troops hare boon put to flight by the enemy* Thera is no doubt y?e were largely outnumbered, but this disadvantage was greatly compensated by our su periority of ground. We held Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge, positions very strong natu rally, and rendered, we presume, still stronger by art. General Bragg must have considered them well nigh Impregnable, else he would not have ohOßen the ocoasion when the enemy, all along su perior to him in numbers, had been heavily rein forced, to send off a large detachment of his own army on a distant expedition. There will hardly be any division of opinion as te the cause of the un wonted and almost painful spectacle of a whole wing of a Confederate army giving way under the onsets of their Y&nliee assailants, and breaking in to a disorderly flight. Unprecedented as iB the melancholy occurrence, it cannot have taken the public by surprise, for, how ever little the people may understand of the myste ries of military Science, common sense teaches them that confidence in the oapacity of the commander is an essential element of success to an army. We find' no fault with General Bragg. Doubtless he did the best he could. It is no fault of his that he hast held a command for which he was incompetent. We give him credit for gallantry as a soldier and devotion as a patriot; if it did not please his Maker to endow him with the great and rare faculties that constitute the successful military leader, no just mind will find in that defect cause for denunciation or censure. . The' responsibility for the long series of misfor tunes we have experienced at his hands, and espe cially for this orowning disaster, must rest with thpse who. regardless of his .own request to be re lieved,-ana in spite of the remonstrance of the army and people* have required him' to remain in com mand. But, aB we cannot doubt that the language of the event whioh has just occurred will make an impression whioh the voice of the country has tailed to make, and that now, when* as we solemnly fear, it is too late either to expel the enemy from the ad vantageous position he holds, or to Bave' ourselves from a train of wide-spreading disasters, & change in the command of the army will be made, we retrain from any further remark on this point. In the judg ment of tome, it might be good policy to endeavor to belittle the importance of this defeat. We do not .recognize the propriety of misleading the public where so much is at stake. We. are frank to confess that we are filled with very grave apprehensions as to the consequences that may flow from this reverse. If the army under Bragg could not hold Lookout Mountain and Mis sion Ridge, we are forced to ask ourselves what po sition is there between them and Atlanta, or the ocean, they can hold? - What position is Longstreet left in, and how oan he unite himself again with the army of Bragg, unless by an immense circuit through Virginia 1 But it is likely the enemy may not feel safe in advancing at this time, and that befofe they are disposed to venture, adequate preparations may have been made to meet them and hurl them back. Let us at least hope so* and by every means at com mand endeavor to have it so. GEN. BRAGG 5 3 DESPATCHES—THB FIGHT AT LOOK- OUT MOUNTAIN, [OFFICIAL DESPATCH,J Mission Bidoe, November VI. _ To Gen . S. Cooper. We have had a prolonged struggle for Lookout Mountain to-day, and sustained considerable less in one division. Elsewhere the enemy has only ma noeuvred lor position.’ ■ BRAXTON BRAGG, - . % General. The following is'an additional despatch, received at the War Department last night: - t •, CHICKAMATTGA, NOY, 25,1863. Gen. S. Cooper. A. andl. General: After several unsuccessful assaults on ourlines to day, the enemy.carries the left centre about four o’clock. The whole left soon gave way in conside rable disorder. The right maintained its ground, re pelling every attack, lam withdrawing all to this point. ♦ BRAXTON BRAGG. : DETAILS OF THE LATE BATTLE. ; Atlanta, Nov. 27.—The wires were down last night and yesterday this side of Marietta, and have just commenced working. The city is full of con flicting rumors. Passengers who came down on the 2 A. M. train say that our line of battleis at Chlcka mauga, and that the men are not disheartened or disorganized. We lost many prisoners, their number variously estimated at five thousand and upwards. AU our ‘ dead and seriously wounded are in the enemy’s ibanda. Tn the attack on Lookout the enemy’s loss fjg incomparably greater than ours. They drove us back by the sheer force of numbers. It is not known if the fight was renewed yesterday. DESPATCH.} .Atlanta, Nov. 27.— Nothing since the morning from the army. The Confederacy learns from a gene ral officer just do wn, that light skirmishing began on Saturday. There was intense firing on Sunday and Monday, and becoming continuous along the whole liDe at daylight on Tuesday. ■ . The battle began by the enemy charging impe tuously on Lookout with forty thousand strong, and at the &ame time occupying the attention of our right wing at the foot of Mission Ridge. The onset / at first was not impetuous, but increased iu vigor as the day advanced. Hill’s Corps, commanded by Breckinridge, met the shock with unflinching courage. Late in the afternoon the enemy increased, and by repeated at tacks made an impression on our lines. At4P. M. left centre gave, way, the enemy pouring through the valley like a flood. Our troops on Lookout, seeing themselves cut off, got confused, retreating in disorder. • During the night, the enemy not pursuing, the remnant of our left was withdrawn to Missionßidge, where oiir troops were massed for the morrow’sbat tle, Some of our commands on the left were cap tured. ' On Wednesday before sunrise the enemy advanced his whole force with ardor upon the works at the foot of Mission Ridge. Hardee, commanding, then met the attack with wonderful vigor and success. Charge after charge was repulsed. Five hundred dead lay in front of our works. Our right stood firm. The battle ceased at dark on Wednesday. After nightfall the enemy improved his position on Lookout, posting batteries to enfilade our position on Mission Ridge, necessitating Its evacuation, when our line fell back eastward of Mission and be hind Chickamauga,where it now stands. THE EXCHANGE OP PRISONERS CORRESPONDENCE, [From the Richmond Enquirer, Nov, 30.3 Judge Ould recently received a letter from Briga dier General Meredith, enclosing a communication from Major General Hitchcock, of which the follow ing is a copy: Washington City, Nov. 13,1863, Brig. Gen. S. A. Meredith Commissioned' for Exchange of Prisoners: Sir : lam not whether any, or how far, relief may have reached our unfortunate priso ners of war in Richmond and its vicinity, under the orders of the Secretary of War to send supplies to them of both food and clothing, Mr. Ould should be notified, for the information of his Government, that whatever steps may have been, or may be, taken te extend relief (to the pri soners Of war in ißichmond), must, on no .con sideration, be appealed to by the enemy to relieve him from the obligation to treat prisoners according to the lawß of civilized warfare. If, in other words, our prisoners in Richmond fail to reoeive such sup plies as the lawb alike of humanity and war re quire, the authorities in Richmond must be in formed that it will not be considered a valid expla nation or excuse for them to appeal to the fact, should it exist, that, supplies from •us • have not reached them. The action of our Government on thiß matter is dictated purely by humanity, and is only an effort tb relieve our prisoners of suffering inflicted upon them contrary to the claims of both humanity and the laws of war, and must not be understood &b re lieving the authorities of Richmond; from respon sibility to the Christian world in the premises. If the authorities in Richmond will send ua these Erisoners, we will not only feed and clothe them, ut will continue to supply food and clothing, as heretofore, to suoh prisoners as may be in our posses sion; and you will propose to Mr. Ould that in this case we will agree, without any reserve, to respect the parole they may give according to the laws of war, from which they shall not be relieved in view of the paßt differences or pending questions on the subject of exchange, without the previously obtained con sent of the authorities represented by Mr. Ould, as agent for the exchange under the oartel. r You will please lose no time in communicating a copy of thiß note, certified by yourself, to Mr. Ould, : and will urge upon him its acceptance as due to the most solemn considerations in the face of the civil ized world. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK, Mej. Gen. Yols., Com’r for Exchange of Prisoners. : Judge Ould replied as follows: - Richmond, Nov. 18,1863. Brig. Gen . S. A. Meredith , Agent of Exchange: Sir : The letter of General Hitchcook has been received. : Until the Confederate authorities appeal to be relieved "from the obligations to treat pri soners of war according to the laws of civilized warfare,” or “ offer, bb an explanation or excuse,” for insufficient food, that supplies have not been ..forwarded by your. Government, it is entirely unne f cessary to discuss what will be the views of your authorities in either contingency. Statements, most infamously false, have recently been made ana circulated at the North by persons whose calling should have imposed a respect for truth, which their own personal honor seems to have failed to se cure. Our regulations require that prisoners shall receive the Bame rations as soldiers in the field. Such your prisonershave received, and will con tinue to receive. v Do you ask morel If so, what do you demandl We recognize, in the fullest form, our obligation to treat your prisoners with humani ty, and to serve them with the same food, in quan tity and quality, as is given to our own soldiers. If the supply is scant, you have only to blame the system of warfare you have waged against us. There is nothing in the action of the Confederate Government which gives any sort of countenance to the charge of cruelty or inhumanity to your pri soners. In the first place, we have importuned you to agree to a fair'and honest proposition whioh would secure the release of all of them. When that was rejected, you have been permitted to send, without stint or limitation, all kinds of supplies to them. General. Hitchcook requests that the prisoners now in our Rands be returned to your lines. This is not accompanied by any proposition to release our prisoners now in your hands. So farfrom that being the case, he promises “to continue, to supply food and- clothing as heretofore ” to such. General Hitchcock need.not have urged"you to “lose no time in communicating ” his letter. No degree of haste would have secured the assent of federate authorities to a proposition so flagrantly unequal. ’• , We are ready to relieve, your Government from the burden of supplying “ food and olothieg as heretofore” to our'people in your hands, and ir they are sent to ue, yours shall be returned to you— the excess, one side or the other, to be on parole. I hope you will “ urge ” : on. General Hitchcock the acceptance of this proposition “ as due to the most solemn considerations in the face of the civilized world.” ■' We are content that tie 11 civilized world ” should draw its own conclusions when it contracts the two offers. 1 will thank you to forward this communi cation to General Hitchcook, or inform him that the Confederate authorities deoliue to accept his proposition. Respectfully, your obedient servant, KO. GUM), Agent of Exchange. GEN. D. H. HILL AND THE BATTLE OF CIIIOKA MATOA. [Prom the Kiclimond Bhquirar, November 27.3 We publish this morning a card from Lieutenant General I). H. Hill, fully and completely exonera ting him from any responsibility for the failure of General Bragg to reap the fruits of the victory at Ohickamauga. Indeed, when we consider the mani fest injustice done Gen. Hill, we are surprised, as well as pleased, at the temperate character of his vindication. Gen. Hill has made tho reputation of a hard fighter, of which no injustice can deprive TILUEH CENTS. feJaa; aad we, in common with our of emnestly hope he may be speedily reinstated in ta» Army or Tennessee, or John ston, or Lee, and that Gen, Bragg may be permitted to rest for a season. . r - . OTNBBAE- HlLL'ff CARD; As several erroneous otatemeats have been made In regard to my being relieved from duty with the Army of Tennessee, it cannot be improper to give the facts in the case. When the "order relieving me was received, I caEled upon General Bragg and asked the oauee of it. He said that he had no cause of complaint against me up to the close of thv bat tle on ibe 2Cth of September ? that no imputations had been, or oould be, made against my military character, and that he would promptly rebuke any one making Buck in his presence, : I then asked what could be the reason for his action. He alleged as the cause an expression of opinion on my part. I inquired why I alone waa herd responsible for this utterance, when the other three corps commanders (Longstreetj Buchner, and Uheatham) had con curred in it. To this no satisfactory answer was given, \ The insinuation made by some of the army corre spondents, of my being tardy in attacking on the morning of the 20th September, is unjust. The first intimation that I received that we were to be the assailants was an order to advance from the wing commander (Gen. Polkh received at twenty-live minutes after seven A. hi. And the fltefc I heard of the contemplated attack at daylight was from Gen. Bragg himself, some half hour later. The four es sential preparations for battle had not been made at eight A. M., and, in fact, oould not be made with out the presence of the commander*in*ohief, who then appeared on the field. Lieutenant General Longetreet has since told me that he was so far from being ready at daylight that he was not even ready when! began the attack. My impression is that my corps was engaged more than an hour before a trigger was drawn by any other troops. To the fierceness of the assault of this heroic corps the Yankees ascribe their massing on our right. If I am not greatly mistaken, we had gained the Ohattanooga road, turned the Yankee works, and nearly reached the Kelly house, before the left wing came into action. The Yankees con centrated their forces rapidly to regain the key point of their position. Generals Helm and Deohler were killed, and General Adams was wounded and cap tured by the overwhelming masses thrown against my single corps. General Adams told me that the Yankees, in conversation with him, ascribed the loss of the battle to their withdrawing too many troops from their right to meet this morning afct&ek of my heroic men on their left. It would Beem that the > delay in attacking on our left led them to believe that our forces were massed on our right.- All-the: Yankee accounts of the battle agree in this view ofr our plan of attack. - ' I heard no firing- on our left until after the fine: troops of Walker and Liddell had come to our sup port. ' The charge of tardineßß being disposed of, it may be well to quote to the self-constitutoi critics the following extraot from the letter of the Adjutant General, in refua&JjpC m 7 application, for a Court of Inquiry; “Indeed, with an officer of your past ser vice and approved gallantry; military delinquency is a presumption not to be indulged by any one, and certainly not in the absence of all charge or com plaint sanctioned by the Department.” D, H» HILL, Lieutenant General. REBEL SENATOR HER6CHEL V. JOHNSON ON THE [From tlie Richmond Daily Dispatch. Nov. SO. ] Hon. Herschel Y. Johnson, the newly-elected Con federate Senator from. Georgia, made a speech in Milledgeville on the 24th inst. A letter gives the following summary of his address: He came square up to the support of the Adminis tration, and defended the impressment law as a ne cessary measure for the subsistence of the army. He would have prices fixed by the vicinage. He counselled cordial support of the Go vernment as the sheet-anchor of our hopes. He thought it unstatesmanlike and unmanly to say that the law was unconstitutional or that the Go vernment waff oppressive. There were some, he said, that the angel Gabriel could not satisfy. He would not have the arrogance, he said, to say * that he could offer a remedy for our financial diffi culties. He thought taxation mußt be vigorously resorted to. and had been delayed too long. He denounced those who have tried the spirit or the people by abuses of the impressment law, and counselled harmony and hopeful perseverance. He wished he had language to portray the importance of our whole people being a unit. With our armies in the field —the noblest race of men ever marshalled under banners, with their bosoms bared to the ene my-how will they feel when they see us wrangling over a few dollars taken from us by impress meat? If we would discourage them let us'indulge this fault-finding spirit. He was proud to see that the General Assembly had reaffirmed the Btep she took in 1661. There iB no step backward. All is now in-/ volved in the struggle that is dear to man—home, society, liberty, honor, everything—with the certain ty of the most degraded fate that ever oppressed a people, if we fail. It is not recorded in hißtory that eight millions of united people, resolved to be free, have tailed. We cannot yield if we woqld. Yield to the Federal authorities—to vassalage and subju gation. The bleaching bones of one hundred thou sand gallant soldiers slain in battle would be clothed in tongues of fire to curse to everlasting infamy the man who whispers yield. God is with us, because He is always with the right. He closed in counsel ling a firm reliance on Providence, and the cultiva tion of a spirit of reliance and devotion. HEW TOBK CITT. [Correspondence of The Press. ] New York, December 2,1863, THE ELECTION. The mayoralty election has resulted moßt unex pectedly for all and 0. Godfrey Gunther has overreached each of his opponents by large majori- The entire history of this contest is singular, Mr. Blunt, the Republican nominee, Is by no means a favorite with his party, which, after vainly endea voring to gain the consent of Gen. Dlx to become a candidate, endorsed him, seemingly, as a last resort. Ab a consequence, Republicans cast their votes free ly for Gunther, and when it became generally known that he was elected, they seemed quite as much re joiced as though he had been upon their own ticket. Up to the last moment, Mr. Boole’s friends were confident of bis success; they understood the tre mendous influence of the King which backed him, and calculated, as did two-thlrdß of our citizens, that his election was nearlya moral certainty. Barge bets were offered by his supporters,-and there were but few takers, for long experience had taught them that the King, was all-powerful among the mob, who seldom fail to carry everything at the polls. Gunther’s majorities are stated at 6,591, and 9,453, Opdyke’s majorities over Gunther and Wood, at the previousl mayoralty election, were 613 and 1,173. From these figures, may be argued the astonishment of the people at the running up of such majorities by the candidate who was expected to do but little. Altogether, men seem very well satisfied with tbe results. Gunther is believed to be an honest, straightforward man, who, notwithstanding the copperish complexion of his politics, will probably make a good mayor. At all events, he iB preferable to Mr. Boole, who has a standard reputation as a leader of the conuptionists, and is a prominent member of what is known as the King. His defeat is generally attributed to his proposed interference with slaughter houses, and other similar nuisances, during his administration aB inspector of streets. All sorts of objections have been raised against Mr. Blunt by the Republicans, and the generality of them have been absurd in the extreme; indica ting very perceptibly that there is something behind the political veil, which has,' as yet, been hidden from public view. One of these assigned reasons has been that “his looks are against him, as he re sembles the late Yankee Sullivan, the prizefighter.” Another is, “ that he is stubborn and factious in his opposition to new measures.” The police voted against him in a body, as it is understood that he was opposed to an increase of salaries in that de partment. Never before did municipal politics as sume the characteristics of so sublime a muddle. Not only were people puzzled regarding the politi cal platforms of the candidates, but they evineed little or no interest in the matter, either as politi cians or citizens. - AMUSEMENTS. The cold snap of the past two days has brought the subject of skating prominently before the public. Last year the ponds were a failure. The mo3t ex tensive preparations had been made, not only in New York, but in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, Hobo hen, andiJeraey City; vacant lots were leased and laid out, and much expense incurred in preparations for Hooding - them, yet there was scarcely a day’s good skating throughout the entire season, This year the subject is being violently agitated in anti* cipation of a severe winter, and from present indi cationß, preparations are to be made upon a scale even larger than before. Central Park, aB Tar as re gards this amusement, is a comparative failure, from the fact that its pond is invariably overcrowded, as soon as the requisite, thickness of ice is obtained. From'all adjacent regions, visitors pour into the city, and rush with frantic enthusiasm upon the inviting surface, and without any compunctions, elbow the citizens off, and cut the ice in imita tion of a nutmeg grater with their shod feet. As a consequence, but few of the better class frequent the pond, preferring the expense of private esta blishments to the vulgar crowds of the Park. It is rumored in dramatic circles thatßamum has brought about a matrimonial engagement be tween the youDg giant and giantess, who are at pre sent on exhibition at the Museum. Of course, as in the matter of Tom Thumb and Baby Warren, the marriage will be an affair of cold calculation, and comprehending about as much sentiment as did the production of the “What is It,” and the Fejee Mer maid. The Thumb affair was, throughout, a viola tion or common decency, and was understood to be a mere showman’s triok and finesse. This fact, how ever, did not prevent scores of silly people from wit nessing the nuptials, and paying large sums for the pieature resulting therefrom: and, of course, when Phineas brings his Brobdignagians to the altar, the same claßß will pay roundly for front seats, while the cunning showman is snickering in his sleeve at their supreme folly. Mr. and Mrs. Barney Williams are playing a successful engagement at Niblo’s Garden. The German Opera opens at the Academy of Music, to night, with Flotow’s 45 Stradella.” A new drama is promised for Monday next, at Mrs. Wood’s Olym pic, to be entitled “As You Sow, so You Must Beap.” A rather so-so ritle! S TUYVESANT. Sale op the Douglas Estate. —The property of the late Senator Douglas, situated at Cottage Grove, was eoM on a mortgage foreclosure on Satur day last. This property embraces about sixty acres in extent, joining a portion of the seventy* acre tract known as the Douglas property and “OAkcnwold,” bounded on the east by Lake Michigan, on the west by Douglas avenue, by Cook place on the north, and on the south by Douglas place, the old cily limits. Cottage Grove avenue runs through the middle of the tract, and about in the centre are the five acres donated by Senator Douglas to the University of Chicago, and now oc cupied by that institution. T£e tragt covers six blocks proper, besides the three divisions oi Oaken* wald, in the southernmost of which lie the remains of the lamented Douglas. A portion of the property was mortgaged in 1859 for the sum of $50,000, the instrument bearing date; July 7. On the 12th of April following, the mort gage was renewed and additional security given, covering the whole of the property. r About the same time an additional sum of $lO,OOO was granted, a third mortgage being given. The principal and interest were unpaid, the total indebtedness amount ing to $83,963.33 at the time thetieciee was granted. The property was sold in single lots, Mr. Jameß R. Smith, the mortgagee, being the principal pur chaser. The prices paid, of course, fell far below the real value. ■ The whole amount paid for the traot of sixty aorea was $83,160, or at $803.83 lees than the amount need ed to satisfy the mortgage. The average P"Ce y*® $1,386 per aore. The property subject to redemption within fifteen months at an increase on the purchase money of ten per cent,—Gwcayo Tfencs, . - . - ' . : VUE WAB PBESSf (FUBIiISHED WEEKLY,} *** V** k, Met to subscriber* by D.U (par .imam la .dram,,, „. , , , a An, ~ 5 M Tirs copies- 9 00 Ten topics Larger Clabs than Tea Will be charted’ at the -td ate, •l.VOper copy. Tfi* money mustMliddyi aesompanv the order, emt ift no instance can these termejk deviatedfrom, as (hm Qford vertf little more than the post of the paper,. A®* Postmasters are redaested fo net as Atests fer TheWarPasse.' i..: - 4®** To the tetter-ny of theOlnb of taortlfeaty, tm extra copy of the Paper will be tiveiL ’ r ; ; ; Ilistory. ol Gliarleg tne Bold. . This country has beeif»unusußlly prolific, of lots yeafs, M-fint-cla.. historians, Washington frying may be .aid tor have broken ground in this depart ment of literature, with "The Life and Voyages of Columbus,” and W® since have had the American History by Bancroft, the Spanish Conquest of Am** rioaby Piessott, and the Dutch Republics and Hni. ted Helherlaads by Motley. To this will'(re added, in a few days, The History of Charles the Bbld, of Burgundy, by Hr. Kirk, who acted ns Secretary and Collaborateur to Prescott, during hia later year... The work will be simultaneously published in Phi ladelphia and London, by J. Bv Lippinoett k Co., and John Murray. Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, reigned only ten years, almost a sovereign, and fell in bat tle before Nancy, which he was besieging, i n Janu ary, 1477. His contemporaries were Louis XI. of France, the Emperor Frederic of Germany, Casi mir of Poland, Matthias Corvinua of Hungary, Ed ward IV. of England, and Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain. The event* or hia reign are highly im portant, and the contrast between his character and ihat of Louis XI. stands, out on the historic page in the boldest relief. Of that contrast Sir Walter Scott freely availed himself, very fully in the ro mance of 11 Quentin Durward” (which may be said to have created the historical novel in Franoe), and, lees fully, in “ Anne ol (Berstein,” in which are narrated the later passages of hia career, and parti cularly his defeat, by the Swiss, at Morat, she months before hia death. Sir. Walter Scott waa the first English writer t* bring Charles fhe Bold before tfie world of readers, and the present generation have mainly derived their idea of his character from what Scott has told them. Mr. Kirk, in his description of the person, accomplishments, habits, and character of Charles, appends the following cautionary note: It may be as well, at the outset, to warn such readers as have gathered their impressions of ths events and personages of this period from the pages of Scott, that in none of his oreations has the great master handled hi. brush with so careless a hand, and laid on his colors with so little discrimination! ; as,in. “ Quentin Durward.” Leaving out or view the.anachronisms and other deviation, from hlstori : Cfl 1 "tn 1 th,’ (which yet are seldom defensible, kuw ■ milch’ as not merely the faota of history, but the fev ; turesof the age, are thereby distorted and discolor ; es,) the portraitures of character are commonplace conceptions coarsely executed. He attributes to- Charles the Bold precisely those vices from whioh he was altogether fiee—representing him as a drunk ard and a gross feeder -, as dull in his perceptions, and vulgar in his tastes j as seasoning his phrases’ with oaths, and laughing boisterously at any coarse j EBt or piece of low bufloonery. The faults of Chariot were sufficiently glaring, and scarcely admitted of exaggeration; but his breeding had been that of a prince, not of a boor; his education had been better than that of other princes of his time, hia tastes and. habits were more, not lees, refined than theirs, an* the restraint he imposed upon his sensual appetite* was as conspicuous a trait as his sternness and vio lence. Our leaders will perceive. that we have had the advantage of an early perusal of this work-in fast, we have read the greater part of the first volume, the narrative bringing us within a few months of the accession o! his father, but fully showing the re lations between Ms house and himself with Louis the Eleventh, and particularly recording the events of the War for the Public Weal and the Revolt of Liege. The history is lucid and eloquent, and a fine philosophical vein run. through it. There is agreat array of authorities in the notes, and its author will take Mb stand, at once, among. the great writers of his land and time. A Word for Our -Starving Seamstresses. To the Editor of The Press: Sir : While public sympathy ia aroused to bo high a pitch by the sufferings and privations of Union men in the distant prisons of rebel Richmond, allow me, if you please, |to bespeak a little of that sym pathy for the Bufferings and privations of honest* toiling Union women, reduced almost to starvation at home here in loyal Philadelphia. One case of hardship of this description, which I know to be not exceptional, I desire to refer to, to show to this com munity what manner of outrages are being daily perpetrated upon the whole class of poor sewing woman engaged upon army work by the heartless Bet of scoundrels known as “ sub-contractors.** Two worthy, honest, industrious women, whose veracity X do not question, have for some weeks past been employed in making soldiers* haver- Backs. They receive'the magnificent sum of Jive cents haversacki and the two of them, work ing steadily from 7 o’clock in the morning until 10 at night, can make jußt five in a day ! Twenty*fire cents a day to feed and clothe and board two wo men! Twenty-five cents for twenty-eight hours* weaiy stitching I If there is such a thing as philaa throphy among us, what & noble field is here pre sented for its exercise! Let me aayliere the Gover nment is hot to blame in this matter., At the Schuylkill Arsenal the price paid for sewing the same haver sacks, (and there is an immense amount of work oa one*of them,) is 12>£ cents, or more than double what these sub* contractors pay. Even at.this rate, however, the most industrious person cannot make more than thirty-seven cents a day, or $2.25 a week, —hardly enough to starve upon s and everybody can--, not get work at the Arsenal. The twe women, whose case I have referred to, finding it impossible to“ keep body and soul together ** upon the misera ble pittance which they received fox their hard day’* work, made application at another clothing ddpdt, where ariny drawers were given out, and were offered six cents apair for making them. There is even more work upon the drawers than upon the haversacks, and noperson can make more than two pairs a' day—juatfawltve cents! -To show what a “nice thing” the sub- contractors are making of it, one of these women, as intelligent as she is hard-working, informed me that they re ceive twelve cents from the Government forthe ha versacks, for whose making they pay but five. Se ven cents profit on every one is .“pretty fair,” and two hundred haversacks being turned in per day, ’ somebody makes $l4 dollars a day, or $34 a week out of the necessities of the sewing women. My pur "pose is simply to sntte facts, not to offer comments, for comments WGUId he superfluous. I am, sir, very respectfully yours, Philadelphia, Deo. 3, 1863. Holiday Presents—-A Suggestion. To the Editor of The Tress. Sib; The custom of erecting and adorning “Christ mas Trees,” making holiday presents, &c., may be called a time* honored custom.; Thus parents freely exhibit their affection for their children; thus friends exchange tokens of their regard for each, other; thus thousands ofdollara are expended annu ally. But we wish to inquire, just here, is it right t under present circumstances, (to say nothing about . the question of its being right alattfl thus tQ spend §9 much precious means upon thosewho generally en joy the comforts of life in abundance? By present circumstances, we, mean the circumstances of our country and our city. Think of the many very needy families of our soldiers; think of the many sufferers in Bichmond prisons and. other rebel strongholds; think of the many poor families who . must suffer in cold weather, under present enor mous prices of fuel. In view of -all these demand* Upon our sympathy and benevolence, we ask—- would it not be better for every make s holiday offering to the poor and the suffering? Sup pose wealthy parents, and others, who spend so much money annually, during the holiday season to gratify their children, call the family together and portray the condition of suffering humanity all ’ around, and make a proposition thus: “ Shall we Bptnd the usual amount of money in holiday toys, confections, and other presents, or shall we appro* piifcte.it to the wants of suffering soldiers and their families, and the poor?” Would not the general re. spouse be in favor of those who really need these means? When we remember that those upon whom thou sands of dollars are annually expended in holiday pieaents, are those who do not needy but who are constantly surrounded with the comforts of life, and that those who really need are seldom the subjects of holiday, benefactions, we submit whether we are cot sow under a solemn obligation to make a pru dent, benevolent ute of the means which God has allowed to flow into our hands. We commend this to the families of Philadelphia. “If a brother or sister be naked, and destitute of daily food, and one of you say unto them, depart in peace, be ye filled j notwithstanding ye give them not those things which are needful to the body, what doth it "profit ?’* A word to the wise is sufficient. I am, sir, very respectfully yours, W. D. SIEGFRIED, Pastor of Twelfth Baptist Church. December 2,1863, School RefornL To Ijie Editor of The Press : Sir : I have seen the subject of School .Reform In yeur paper, and wish to state, that some years back, my attention was drawn to the evil of forcing the minds of the pupils by exoessive and protraoted studies. At the suggestion of Mr. Farren, then the president, 1 think, of the Board of Controllers, I sent a communication to that body suggesting the neerssity of a reform. Since then I have seen several young persons who have been sufferers by the present system—one, a young lady, a teacher, whose mind and body were seriously affected by the excessive mental labor* The Chinese custom of cramping the feet is painful enough, but that of torturing the mind is the most and this is inflicted, too, upon beloved spring with the consent of affectionate parents. I would suggest that, either in one or two sessions, there should be less toil and confinement for the pupils. . Yours, truly, “ R. F. T. Philadelphia, Dec. 3,1863. The death of Frederick VH, King of Denmark, is regarded by the London Times as an event of much, political importance to Europe: “By his decease the succession oi the Danish crown passes to a col lateral branch of the royal family. At the moment the European Powers are invited to take part in a Congress to review or discuss all the ‘settlements,’ dynastic and national, that have outlived the change* of the last half, century, a new compact or treaty comes into operation, which dates only from 1853. The extinction of the-direct line of Christian VIH was • foreseen, and the contingency of a claim to a portion of the Danish monarch* by a Russian prince was one of the difficulties presented by the thrice perplexed Schleswig-Holstein question. To the ex tent of placing the succession to the Duchy of Holstein bey ond dispute,the great Powers at that time succeed ed in dealing with a question of which all the other points are still unsettled, and which contributes to the general malaise of Europe by constantly vibrating between angry negotiations and open threats of war. ' With the orown of Denmark the Duchy of Holstein is transferred to the successor of Frederick YII*. Prince Christian, the father of the Princess of Wale* and the new King of Greece.” Frederick was born in 1808, and ascended the throne in 1848. He was, twice married and twice divorced, but was not un equal to his political duties. His reign opened with a war with Germany, and in three campaign*, in which the Danish people fought for the integrity of their Kingdom, he was victorious over his enemies. A war, much for the same cause, threateni Denmark aeain. Itwill be remembered that Frederick de clared, but a month before his_ death, that saiy to preserve the unity of the Danes and the Danish territory, he would resign in favorof a re public, of which no people were more worthy * J._B. S.