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MONDAY, JANUARY 19, 1863.
THE REBELLION.
In Inside View of the Southern Confederacy.
MESSAGE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS.
ttikeolitocl Correspondence.
'ENGLAND BUILDING A NAVY FOR THE REBELS,
France Intriguing to Obtain Texas.
A NEWSPAPER VIEW OF THE REBELLION
"London Times) Correspondence Captured.
THE MESSAGE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS.
We print this morning in full the third Annual
message of Jeflbrson Davis, an abstract of Which
:appeared in The Press of Friday . :
To the Senate and House of I?epresentatires of the Confe
derate States
At the date of your last adjournment the prepara
tions of the enemy for further hostilities had as
sumed so menacing an aspect as to excite in some
minds apprehension of our ability to meet them
with sufficient promptness to avoid serious reverses.
These preparations were completed shortly after
your departure front the seat of government, and the
armies of the United States made simultaneous ad
vances ou our frontiers on the Western rivers anti
on the Atlantic-coast in masses so great as to evince
their hope of overbearing all resistance by mere
weight of numbers. This hope, however, like those
previously entertained by our foes, vanished.
In Virginia, their fourth attempt at invasion by
armies, whose assured success was confidently pre
dicted,,has met with decisive repulse. Our noble
defenders, under the consummate leadership of their
general, have again, at Fredericksburg, indicted on
the forces under General Burnside the like disastrous
overthrow as :hall diem previously suffered by the
successive invading armies commanded by Generals
McDowell, MeOlffflan, and Pope.
In the West obstinate battles have been fought with
varied fortunes, marked by frightful carnage on both
sides; but the enemy's hopes of decisive results have
again been hattied, - while at Vicksburg another for
midable expedition ;has been repulsed, with ineon
sijierable lesson our side and severe damage to the
Afftiling forces,
On the Atlantic coast, the enemy has been unable
to gain a footing beyond the protecting shelter of his
fleets, and the city of Galveston has just been re
coveted by our forces, which succeeded not only in
the capture of the garrison, but of one of the enemy's
vessels of war, which was carried by boarding par
ties from merchant river steamers.
• Our fortified positions have everywhere been
much etrengthened and improved, affording a 9311-
ranee of our ability to meet with success the utmost
efforts of our enemies, in spite of the magnitude of
their preparations for attack. A review of our his
tory of the two years of our national existence
affords ample cause for congratulation, anti demands
the most fervent expression of our thankfulness to
the Almighty Father who has blessed our cause.
We .are justified in asserting, with a Pride surely
not unbecoming, that these Confederate States have
added another to the lessons taught by history for
the instruction of man; that they have afforded
another example of the impossibility of subjugating
A people determined to be free, and have demon
strnted .that no superiority of numbers or available
resources can overcome the resistance tittered by
such valor in conthat, such constancy under suffer
ing, and such cheerful endurance of privation as
have been conspicuously clispihyed by this people in
the defence of their rights anti liberties. The anti
•cipations with which we entered into the contest
have now ripened into a conviction, which is not
only shared with us by the common opinion of
neutral nations, but. is evidently forcing itself upon,,
our enemies themselves. If we but mark the his
tory of the present year by resolute perseverance in
the path we have hitherto pursued, by vigorous
elfoit in the development of all our resources for
defence, and by the continued exhibition of the same
unfaltering courage in our soldiers and able conduct
in their leaders as have distinguished the past, we
have every reason to expect that this will be the
closing year of the war.
The war, which in its inception was waged for
forcing us back into the U 1310,1, having failed to ac.
complish that purpose, passed into a second stage,
in which it was attempted to conquer and rule these
States as dependent provinces. Defeated in this
second design, our enemies have evidently entered
upon another, which ran have no other purpose
than revenge, and thirst for blood and plunder of
s prirate property.
But, however implacable they may be, they can
have neither the spirit nor the resources required
for a fourth year of n struggle uncheered by any
hope of success, kept alive solely for the indulgence
Of mercenary and wicked passions, and demanding
so exhausting an expenditure of blood and money as -
has hitherto been imposed on their people. The ad
•vent of peace will be hailed with joy; our desire for
it futtl'herer been concealed; our efforts to avoid the
war, forced on us as it was by the lust of conquest
and the insane passions of our foes, are known to
manktad. But, earnest as has been our wish for
peace and great as have been our sacrifices and
sufferings during the war, the determination of this
.people has, with each succeeding month, become
• more unalterably fixed to endure any sufferings and
continue any sacrifices, however prolonged, until
their right to self-government and the sovereignty
and independence of these States shall have been
triumphantly vindicated and firmly established.
In this connection the occasion seems not unsuit
able for-some reference to the relations between the
(:onfetimacy anti the neutral Powers of Europe since
the separation of these States from the former Union.
Four of the States now members of the Confederacy
were recognized by name as independent sovereign
ties in a treaty of pe.ice concluded in the year 1753,
with one of the two great maritime Powers of West
ern Europe; anti had been prior to that period allies
in wat of the other. In the year 1778 they formed a
union with nine other States under Articles of Con
federation. Dissatisfied with that union, three of
them—Virginia, Carolina, and Georgia—together
'with eight of the States now members of the United
;States, seceded (teen it hi 1789, and these eleven se
ceding States formed a second Union, although by
the terms of the Articles of Confederation express
provision was made that the first Union should be .
perpetual. Their right to secede, notwithstanding
this provision, was never contested by the Sta tea
front which 11.er separated, nor made the subject of
discussion with 'any third Power. When, at a later
period, North Carolina acceded to thfitseconti Union,
and when, still later, the other seven States, now
members of this Confederacy, became also members of
the same Uhion, it was upon the recognized footing of
squid tandludependent sovereignttes ; nor had it then
entered into the minds of men that sovereign States
could be compelled by force to remain members of a
Confederation into which they had entered of their
own free will, if at tt subsequent period the defence
of their safety and honor should, in their judgment,
justify withdrawal.
The experience of the past had evinced the futi
lity of any renunciation of such inherent rights,
and accordingly the provision for perpetuity con
tained in the Articles of Confederation of 177 S was
omitted to the Constitution of 1789. When, there
fore, in 1561, eleven of the States again thought pro
per, for reasons satisfactory to themselves,
_to secede
from theyteponti Union, and to form a third one, tin
der tinoimebded Constitution, they exercised a right
which, being inherent, required no justification to
forelgn;nations, and which international law did not
permit them to question. The usages of intercourse
between nations du, however, require that official
commtsnication be made to friendly Powers of all or
ganic changes in the Constitutions of States, and
there was obvious propriety in giving prompt assu
rance of our desire to continue amicable relations
with all mankind.
It was under the influence of these considerations
that your predecessors, the Provisional Government,
took early mensut ea for sending to Europe commis
sioners charged with the duty ot visiting the capitals
of the different Powers. anti making arrangements for
the opening of mote formal diplomatic intercourse.
Prior, however, to the arrival abroad of these com
missioners, the United States had commenced hosti
lities against the Confederacy by tiespatchingik secret
expedition for the reinforcement of Fort Sumpter,
after an express promise to the contrary, and with a
duplicity which has been fully unveiled in a former
Message. They had also addressed communications
to the different Cabinets of Europe, in which they
assumed the attitude of being sovereign over this
Confederacy, allfglog that these independent States
were In rebellion against the remaining States of the
- Union, and threatening Europe with manifestations
of their displeasure if it should treat the Confederate
States as having an independent existence. It soon
)became known that these pretensions were not con
*tiered abroad to he as absurd as they were known
•to be at home,
nor had Europe yet learned what
reliance was to be placed in the official state
ments of the Cabinet at Washington. The delegation
of power granted by these States to the Federal Go
vernment to represent them in foreign intercourse
had led Europe into the grave error of supposing
that their separate sovereignty and independence
had been merged into one common sovereignty, and
had ceased to have x distinct existence. Under the
influence of this error, which ail appeals to reason
anti historical fact were vainly used to dispel our
•commissioners were diet by the declaration that
foreign Governments could not assume to judge be
tween the conflicting representations of the two
parties as to the true nature of their previous mu
tual relations. The Governments of Great Britain
Anti France accordingly signified their determination
to confine themselves to recognizing the self-evident
fact of the existence of a war, and to maintaining a
Strict neutrality during its progress. Some of the
other Powers of Europe pursued the same course of
policy, and it became apparent that, by some under
standing, express or tacit, Europe had decided to
leave the initiative in all action touching the contest
on this continent to the two Powers just named, who
were recognized to have the largest interests in
volved. both by reason of proximity and of the ex
tent and intimacy of their commercial relations with
the States engaged in war.
It is manifest that lime course of action adopted by
Europe, while based on an apparent refusal to de
teminine the question, or to side with either party,
was in point of fact an actual decision against our
riehts and in favor or the groundless pretensions of
)tic Vatted States. It was a refusal to trust us as
an independent government. If we were indepen
dent States, the !Ottani to entertain with U 3 the
%%me international intercourse as was maintained
with oar enemy was unjust and was injurious in its
effects, *Weyer may have been the motive which
Sirompted it. Neither was it in accordance with the
hieh moral obligations of that international lode
ii hose chief sanction i 3 the conscience of sovereigns
and the public opinion or mankind that those enti
rent Powers should decline the performance of a
~( 111t Y Peculiarly. incumbent on them front any appre
hention of the consequences to themselves. One
immediate anti necessary result of their declining the
responsibility of a decision which must have been
adverse to the extravagant pretensions of the United
States was the proloneation of hostilities to which
Laveenemies were thereby - encouraged, and which
nave resulted in nothing but scenes of carnage anti
devastation on this continent, antra misery anti suf
fering on the other, such as have scarcely a parallel
is history. Had these Powers promptly admitted
!an' tight to be treated ne all other independent tin
flons, none can doubt thnt the moral effect of such
action would have been to dispel the delusion under
which the United States have persisted la their ef
forts to accomplish our subjugation.
To the continued hesitation of the same Powers in
tendering this act of simple justice towards this Con
federacy is still (hie the continuance of the calami
ties which mankind sutlers from the interruption of
its ITectful pursuits both in the 01st anti the New
i" . ° 0 ( 1 . There are other matters in which less than
justice has been rendered to this people by neutral
Xtlrope, rind undue advantage effected to our rime... -
' 1 " In a wicked war. At the inception of hostilities
he inhabitants of the Confederacy were almost ex
elusively agriculturists ; those of the United States,
1° a great extent, mechanics and merchants. We
had no Commerrinl marine, while` their merchant
feasts covered tale ocean. We were without a
tvhile they had powerful fleets. The advan
see which they poesessed for inflicting injury on
°lir routs anti hat bt es was thus counterbalanced in
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VOL. 6.-NO. 143.
some measure by the exposure of their commerce to
attack by private' armed vessels.
It was known to Europe that within a very few
years past the United States had peremptorily re
fused to accede to proposals for abolishing privateer
ing, on the ground, as alleged by them, that nations
owning powerful fleets would thereby obtain undue
advantage over those possessing inferior naval
forces. Yet no sooner was war flagrant between the
Confederacy and the United States than the mari
time Powers of Europe issued orders prohibiting
either party from bringing prizes into their ports.
This prohibition, directed with apparent imparti
ality against both belligerents, was, in reality, effec
tive against the Confederate States alone; for they
alone could find a hostile commerce on the ocean.
Merely nominal against the United States, the pro-
hibition operated with intense severity on the Con
federacy, by depriving it or the only means of main
taining, with some approach to equality, its
struggle on the ocean against the crushing
superiority of naval force possessed by its
enemies. The value and efficiency of the weapon
which was thus wrested from our grasp by
the combined action of neutral European Powers,
in favor of a nation which profeSses openly its inten
tion of ravaging their commerce by privateers in
any future war, is strikingly illustrated by the ter
ror inspired among the commercial classes of the
United States by a single cruiser of the Confedera
cy. One national steamer, commanded by officers
and manned by a crew who are debarred by the
closure of neutral ports from the opportunity of
causing captured vessels to be condemned In their
favor as prizes, has sufficed to double the rates of
marine insurance in Northern ports, and consign to
forced inaction numbers of Northern vessels, in ad
dition to the direct damage inflicted by captures at
sea. How difficult, then, to overestimate the effects
that must have been produced by the hundreds of
private anted vessels that would have swept the
seas in put suit of the commerce orour enemy If the l / 4
means of disposing of their prizes had not been
withheld by the action of neutral Europe. •
But it is especially in relation to the so•ealled
blockade of our coast that the policy of European
powers has been so shaped as to cause the greatest
injury to the Confederacy, and to confer signal ad
vantages on the United States. The importance of
this subject requires some development.. Prior to
the year 1856 the principles regulating this subject
were to be gathered from the writings of eminent
publicists, the decisions of admiralty courts, interna
tional treaties, and the usages of nations. The un
certainty and doubt which prevailed in reference to
the true rules of maritime law in time of war, re•
suiting from the discordant, and often conffioting,
principles announced front such varied and independ
ent sources, had become a grievous evil to mankind.
Whether n blockade l eas allowable against a port
not invested by land as well as by sea, whether a
blockade was valid by sea if the investing fleet was
merely sufficient to render ingress to the blockaded
port evidently dangerous, or whether it was further
required for its legality' that it should he sufficient
really to prevent access, and numerous other similar
questions, had remained doubtful and undecided.
Animated by the highly honorable desire to put an
end to ditlerences of opinion between neutrals and
belligerents, which may occasion serious difficulties
and even conflicts—l quote the official language—
the five great Powers of Europe, together with Sar
dinia and Turkey, adopted, in 1856, the following
solemn declaration of principles :
Firsily—Privateering is and remains abolished.
Secondly—The neutral flag covers enemy's goods,
with the exception of contraband of war.
Thirdly—Neutral goods, with the exception of don
traband of war, are not liable to capture under ens
say's flag.
Four/My—Blockades, in order to be binding, must
be effective; that is to say, maintained by a force
sufficient really.to prevent access to the coast of the
enemy.
Not only did this solemn declaration announce to
the world the principles to which the sigoing Pow
ers agreed to conform in future wars, but it contained
a clause to which those Powers gave immediate ef
fect, and which provided that the States not parties
to the Congress of Paris should be invited to accede
to the declaration. Under this invitation every in
dependent State in Europe yielded Its assent. At
least no instance is known to me of a refusal, 'anti
the United States, while declining to assent to the
proposition which prohibited privateering, declared
that the three remaining principles were In entire
accordance with their own views of international
law. No instance is known in history of the adop
tion of articles of public law under circumstances of
like solemnity, with like unanimity, and pledging
the faith of nations with sanctity so peculiar.
"When, therefore, this Confederacy was formed, and
when neutral Powers, while deferring action on its
demand for admission into the family of nations, re
cognized it as a belligerent Power, Great Britain
and France made informal proposals about the same
time that their own rights as neutrals should be
guarantied by our acceding as belligerents to the
declaration of principles made by the Congress of
Paris. The request was addressed to our sense of
justice, and therefore met immediate favorable re
sponse. in the resolutions of the Provisional Con
gress of the 13th of August, 1861, by which all the
principles announced by the Congress of Paris were
adopted as the guide of our conduct during the
war, with the sole exception of that relative to
privatccring. As the right to make use of
had,
was one in which neutral nations
had, as to the present war, no interest, as
it was a right which the United States had refused to
abandon, and which they remained at liberty to em
ploy against us, as it was a right of which we'were
already in actual enjoyment, and which we could not
be expected to' renounce,,flagrank bello, against an
adversary possessing an overwhelming superiority
Of naval forces, it was reserved, with entire confi
dence that neutral nations could not fail to perceive
that just reason existed for the reservation. Not
was this confidence misplaced ; for the official docu
ments published by the British Government, usually .
called Blue Books, contain the expression ot-the sa
tisfactiorrof that Government with the conduct of the
officials who conducted successfully the delicate
business confided to their charge.
These solemn declarations of principle—this im
plied agreement between the Confederacy and the
two Powers just named 7 —have been suffered to re
main inoperative against the menaces and outrages
on neutral rights, committed by the United States,
with unceasing and progressing arrogance during
the whole pericd of the war. Neutral Europe re
mained passive when the United States—with a
naval force insufficient to blockade effectively the
coast of a single State—proclaimed a paper block
ade of thousands of miles of coast, extending from
the Capes of the Chesapeake to those of Florida and
to Key West, and encircling the Gulf of Mexico to
the mouth of the Rio Grande. Compared with this
monstrous pretension of the United States, the
blockades known in history under the names of the
Berlin sad Milan Decrees, and the British Orders in
Council, in the years 1806 and ISO 7, sink into insig
nificance. Yet those blockades were justified by the
Powers that declared them, on the sole ground that
they were retaliatory; yet those blockades have
since beencondenineo by the publicists of those very
Powers as violations of international law; yet those
blockades evoked angry remonstrances from neutral
Powers, amongst which the United States were the
most conspicuous; yet those blockades became the
chief cause of the war between Great Bittain and
the United States in 1S12; yet those blockades were
one of the principal motives that led to the declara
tion of the Congress of Paris in 1856, in the fond
hope of imposing an enduring check on the very
abuse of maritime power. which is now renewed by
he United States in 1861 and 1862 ' under circum
stances and with features of aggravated wrong with
out precedent in history.
The records of our State Department contain the
evidence of the 'repeated and formal remonstrances
made by this Government to neutral Powers against
the recognition of this blockade. It has been shown
by evidence not capable of contradiction, and which
has been furnished in part by the officials of neutral
nations, that the few ports of this Confederacy be
fore which any naval forces at all have been sta
tioned have been invested so inefficiently that
hundreds of entries have been effbcted into them
' since the declaration of the blockade ' • that our
enemies have themselves admitted the inefficiency of
their blockade in the most forcible manner by re
peated official complaints of the sale to us of goods
contraband of war—a sale which could not possibly
affect their interests if their pretended blockade was
sufficient really to prevent access to our coast;
that they have gone further, and have alleged their
inability to render their paper blockade effective s as
the excuse for the odious barbarity of destroying the
entrance to one of our habors by sinking vessels
loaded with stone in the channel ; that our commerce
with foreign nations has been interrupted not by
the effective investment of our ports or by the
seizure of ships In the attempt to enter them, but
by the capture on the high seas of neutral vessels by
the cruisers of our enemies whenever supposed to be
bound to any point on our extensive coast, without
inquiry whether a single blockading vessel was to
found at such point; that blockading vessels have left
the ports at which they were stationed for distant
expeditions, have been absent for many days, and
have returned without notice either of the cessation
or renewal of the blockade. In a word, that every
prescription of maritime law and every right of neu
tral nations. to trade with a belligerent underthe
sanction of principles heretofore universally re
spected have been systematically and persistently
violated by the United States. Neutral Europe
has received our remonstrance, and has submitted
in almost unbroken silence to all the wrongs that
the - United States have chosen to inflict on its com
merce.
The Cabinet of Great Britain, however, has not
confined itself to such implied acquiescence in these
breaches of international law as results from simple
inaction, but has, in a published despatch of the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affarirs, assumed to
make a change in the principle enunciated by the
eongiess of Paris, to which the faith of the British
Government was considered to be pledged—a change
too important and too prejudicial to the interests of
the Confederacy to be overVoketi, and against which
I hare directed solemn protest to be made, after a
vain attempt to obtain satisfactory explanations
from the British Government. In a published
despatch from her Majesty's Foreign Office to her
minister at Washington, under date of February 11,
I 562, occurs the following passage :
"ller Majesty's Government, however, are of
opinion that, assuming that the blockade was duly
Notified, and also that a number of ships are sta
tioned and remain at the entrance of a port sufficient
really to prevent access to it, or to creole an Evident
danger of entering it or leaving it, and that these ships
do not voluntarily permit ingress or egress, the fact
that various ships may have successfully escaped
through it, (as in the particular instance here re
ferred to,) will not. of itself prevent the blockade
rim being an effectual one by international law."
The words which I have italicised are an addition
made by the British Government of its own autho
ity to a princicle, the exact terms of which were
settled with deliberation by the common consent of
els ilized nations, and by implied convention with
Ibis Government, as already explained, anti their
efiect is clearly to reopen, to the prejudice of the
Confederacy, one of the very.j.itsputed questions on
the law of blockade which the Congress of Paris
professed to settle. The importance of this change
is leadily illustrated by taking one of our ports as
an example. There is evident danger on entering
the port of Wilmington from the presence of a
bleekading force; and by this test the blockade is ef
ft etive. " Access is not really prevented " by the
blockading fleet to the same port; for steamers are
cf.ntlnually arriving and departing• so that, tried by
this test, the blockade is ineffective and invalid.
The justice of our complaint on this point is so
manifest as to leave little room for doubt that
lint her rt flection will induce the British Government
to give us such assurances as will efface the painful
impressions that would result from its language if
left unexplained.
From the foregoing remarks you will perceive
that, during' nearly two years of struggle, in which
very ene:gy of our country has been evoked for
maintaining its very existence, the neutral nations
of Europe have pursued a policy which, nominally
impartial, has been practically most favorable to our
enemies anti most detrimental to us.
The exercise of the neutral right of refusing entry
into their ports to prizes taken by both belligerents
was eminently hurtfu) 3 to the Confederacy. It was
sternly asserted and maintained. The exercise of
the neutral right of commerce with a belligerent
N% hose ports arc not blockaded by fieets sufficient
!rally to prevent access to them would have been
eminently hurtful to the United States. It was
complaianntly abandoned. The duty of neutral
.States to receive with cordiality and recognize with
respect any new confederation that independent
Ma tea may' think prooer to form was too clear to
admit of denial ; but its postponement was obviously
beneficial to the United States and detrimental to
the Confederacy. It was postponed.
in this review of our relations with the neutral
ratioms of Europe, it bag been my purpose to point
out distinctly that this Government has no com
plaint to make that those nations declared their
roc trality. It could neither expect nor desire more:
The complaint is that the neutrality has been rather
.1 minal than real, and that reco7n, ized neutral
lights hare been alternately asserted and waited in
inch wanner as to hear with great severity on us,
and to confer signal advantages on our enemy.
1 have hitherto refrained from' calling Your atten
tion to this condition of our relationswith foreign
l'OWEis for various reasons: -The OW of these was
he fear that a statement of our last grounds of com 7.
plaint against a course of policY so injurious to our
interests might be misconstrued into an appeal for
aid. Unequal as we were in mere numbers and
available resources to our enemies, we were con
scious of powers of resistance in relation to which
Europe was incredulous,
and our remonstrances
were thereforepecullarlyllable to he misunderstood.
Proudly self-reliant, the Confederacy, knowing
full well the character of the contest into which it
Wfla forced, with full trust in the superior qualities
of its population, the superior valor of its soldiers,
the superior skill of its generals, and, above all, in
the justice.of its cause, felt no use to appeal for the
maintenance of its rights to other earthly aids, and
it began and has continued this struggle with the
calm confidence ever inspired in those who, with
consciousness of right, can invoke the Divine
blessing on their cause. This confidence has been so
assured that we have never yielded to despondency
under defeat, nor do we feel undue elation at the
present brighter prospect of a successful issue to
our contest. It is l therefore, because our just
grounds of complaint can no longer he mis
interpreted that I lay them clearly before you.
It seems to me pow proper to give you the in
formation, and, although no immediate results
may be attained, it is well that truth should be pre
served and recorded. It is well that those who are
to folio* us should understand the full nature and
character of the tremendous conflict in which the
blood of our people has been poured out like water,
and in which we have resisted, unaided, the shocks
of hosts which would have sufficed to overthrow
many of the Powers which, by their hesitation in
according our rights as an independent nation,
im
ply doubt of our ability to maintain our national
existence. It may be, too, that if in future times
unfriendly discussions not now anlicpated shall
unfortunately arise between this Confederacy and
White European Power, the recollection of our for
bearance under the grievances which I have enu
merated may be evoked with happy influence in
preventing any serious disturbance of peaceful re
lations.
, It would not be proper to close my remarks on the
subject of our foreign relations without adverting to
the fact that the correspondence between the Cabi
nets of France, Great Britain, and Russia, recently
published, Indicates a gratifying advance in the ap
preciation by those Governments of the true inte
rests of mankind, as involved in the war 012 this con
tinent. It is to the enlightened ruler of the French
nation that the public feeling of Europe is indebted
to the first official exhibition of its sympathy for the
sufferings endured by* this people with so much he
roism, of its horror at the awful carnage with which
the progress of the war has been marked, and of its
desire for a speedy peace. The clear and direct inti
mation contained in the language of the French
note, that our ability to maintain our independence
has been fully established, was not controverted by
the answer of either of the Cabinets to which it was.
addressed. It is indeed difficult to conceive ajust
ground for a longer delay on this subject, after read
ing the following statement of facts contained in the
letter emanating from the Minister of hie Imperial
it s esty :
"There has been established from the very begin
ning of this war an equilibrium of forces between
the belligerents, which has since been almost con
stantly maintained, and after the spilling of so much
blood they are to-day in this respect in a situation
which has not sensibly changed. Nothing author;
izes the anticipation that more decisive military
operations will shortly occur. Aecording to the last
advices received in Europe, the two armies were, on
the contrary, in a condition which permitted neither
to hope within a short delay advantages sufficiently
marked to turn the balance definitely and to accele
rate the conclusion of peace."
As this Government has never professed the intan
t ion of conquering the United States, but has simply
asserted its ability to defend itself against being con
quered by that Power, we may safely conclude that
the claims of this Confederacy to its just place in the
family of nations cannot long be withheld after so
frank and formal an admission of its capacity to cope,
on equal terms, with its agressive foes, and to main
tain itself against their attempts to obtain decisive
results by arms.
It is my painful duty again to inform you of The re
newed examples of every conceivable atrocity com
mitted by the armed forces of the United States at
different points within the Confederacy, and which
must stamp indelible infamy, not only on the per
petrators, but on their superiors, who, having the
power to check these outrages on humanity, nume
rous and well authenticated as they have been, have
not yet in a single instance of which I am aware in
flicted punishment on the wrong-doers. Since my
last communication to you, one Gefferal McNeil
murdered seven prisoners of war in cold blood, and
the demand for his punishment has remained Un
satisfied. The Government of the United States,
after promising examination and explanation in re
lation to the charges made against 'General Benja
min P. Butler, has, by its subsequent silence; after
repeated efforts on my part to obtain some answer
on the eubject, not only admitted his guilt, but. sanc
tioned it by acquiescence : and I have accordingly
branded this criminal as tin outlaw, and directed his
execution in expiation of his crimes if he should fall
into the hands of any of our forces. •
• Recently I have received apparently authentic in
telligence of another general, by the name of Milroy,
who has issued orders in Western Virginia for the
payment of money to him by the inhabitants; ac
companied .by the most savage threats of shooting
every recusant, besides burning his house; 'and
threatening similar atrocities against any of our citi
zens who shall fail to betray their country by giving
him prompt notice of the approach of any of our
forces. And this subject has also been submitted' to
the superior military authorities of the United States,
with but faint hope that they will evince any disap
probation of the act. Humanity shudders at the ap
palling atrocities which are being daily multiplied
under the sanction of those who have obtained tem
porary possession of power in the United,States, and
who are fast making its once fair name a byword of
reproach among civilized men. Not even the natural
indignation inspired by this conduct should make us,
however, so unjust as to attribute to the whole mass
of the people who are subjected to the despotism that
now reigns with unbridled license In the city of Wash
ington a willing acquiescence in its conduct. of
the war. There must necessarily exist among
our enemies very many—perhaps a majority—whose
humanity recoils from all participation in such atro
cities, but who cannot be held whidly guiltless
while permitting their continuance without an effort
at repression.
The public journals of the North have been re
ceived, containing a proclamation, dated the first day
of the present mouth, signed by the President of the
United States, in which he orders and declares all
slaves within ten of the States of the Confederacy to be
free; except such as are found within certain districts
now occupied in part by the armed forces of the
enemy. We may well leave it to the instinct of that
common humanity which a beneficent Creator has
implanted in the breasts of our fellow-men of all
countreis to pass judgment on a measure by which
several millions of human beings of en inferior race
peaceful and contented laborers in their sphere, are
doomed to extermination, while at the same time
they are encouraged to a general assassination of
their masters by the insidious recommenda
tion "to abstain from violence unless iu he- I
cessary self-defence." Our own detestation of
those who have attempted the most execrable
measure recorded in the history of guilty man
is tempered by profound contempt for the impo
tent rage which it discloses. So far as regards the
action of this Government on such criminals as may I
attempt its execution, I confine myself to informing
you that I shall—unless in your wisdom vou deem
some other course more; expedient deliver to the
several State authorities all commissioned officers of
the United States that may hereafter be captured by
our forces in any of the States embraced in the pro
ciamation, that they may be dealt with in accord- I
ance with the laws of those States providing for the
punishment of criminals engaged in exciting servile
insurrection. The enlisted soldiers I shall continue 1
to treat as unwilling instruments in the commission
of these crimes, and shall direct their discharge and
return to their homes on the proper and usual parole. •
In its political aspect, this measure possesses great
significance, and to it in this light I invite your at
tention. It affords to our whole people the com
plete and crowning proof of the true nature of the
designs of the party which elevated to power the
. present occupant of the Presidential chair at Wash.
ington, and which sought to conceal its purposes by
every variety of-artful device, and by the perfidious
use of the most solemn and repeated pledges for 1
every possible occasion. I extract, in this connec
tion,
as a single example, the following declaration,
made by President Lincoln under the solemnity of
hie oath as Chief Magistrate of the United States, on
the 4th of March, 1861 :
"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of .
the Southern States that by the accession of a Ile
publican Administration their property and their
peace and personal security are to be endangered.
There has never been any reasonable cause for such I
apprehensions. Indeed, the most ample evidence to I
the contrary has all the while existed and been open
to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the
public speeches of him who now addresses you. I
do but quote from one of those speeches when I de
clare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, 1
to interfere with the institution of slavery in the ;
States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful
right to do so, and I have no inclination to do So. 1,
Those who nominated and elected me did so with
full knowledge that I had made this and many simi
lar declarations, and had never recanted them. And
more than this, they placed in the platform for my
acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, I
the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
" 'RE - solved, That the maintenance inviolate of the
rights of the States, and especially the right of each
:irate to order and control its own domestic institu
tions according to its own judgment exclusively, is
essential to that balance of power on which the per- 1
feetion and endurance of our political fabric depend, I
and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed I
force of the soil of any State or Territory, no mat- I
ter under what pretext, as among the gravest
crimes.' "
Nor was this declaration of the want of power or
disposition to interfere with our social system con
fined to a state of peace. Both before and after the
actual commencement of hostilities, the President of
the United StRtEE repeated, in formal official com
munication to the Cabinets of Great Britain and
France, that he was utterly without constitutiOnal
power to do the act which he has just committed,.
and that in no possible event, whether the secession
of these States resulted in the establishment of a
separate confederacy or in the restoration of the
'nion, was there any authority by virtue of which
he could either restore a disaffected State to the
l'uion by force of arms. or make any change in any
of its institutions. I refer especially for verification
of this assertion to the despatches addressed by the
Secretary of State of the United States, under
direction of the President, to the ministers of the
United States at London and Paris, under date of
10th and 22d of April. 1861.
The people of this Confederacy, then, cannot fail
to receive this proclamation as .the fullest vindi
cation of their own sagacity, in foreseeing the uses
in which the dominant party in the United States
intended, front the beginning, to apply their power;
nor can they cease to remember with devout thank
fulness that it is to their own vigilance, in resisting
the first stealthy progress of approaching despotism,
that they owe their escape from consequences now
appal eat to the most skeptical.
This proclamation will hare another salutary
tact in calming the fears of those who have eon
liantly evinced the apprehension that this war
might end by some reconstruction of the old Union,
or some renewal of close political relations with the
United States. These fears have never been shared
by me, nor have I ever been able to perceive on
what basis they could rest... But the proclamation
affbrils the fullest guarantee's of the impossibility of
such a result. It has established a state of things
which can lead to but one of three possible conse
quences—the extermination of the slaves, theexile of
the whole white population of the Confederacy, or
absolute and total separation of these States from
the United States. 'This proclamation is also an
authentic . statement by the Government of the
1 nited States of its inability to subjugate the South
by force of arms, and as such must be accepted by
neutral nations, which can no longer rind any justi
cation in withholding our just claims to formal re
crenition. It is also, in effect, an intimation to the
peeple of the North that they must prepare to sub
mit to a separation, now become inevitable: for that
people are too acute not to understand that . a resti
tution of the Union has been rendered forever im
p essible by the adoption of a measure which, from
ifs very nature, neither admits of retraction nor can
co-exist with union.
Among the subjects to which your attention will
It specially devoted during the present session, you
will, no doubt, deem the adoption of some compre•
her.sive system of flnante as being otparamount
importance. The increasing public debt, the great
bugmentition id the volume of the currency, with
its necessary concomitant of extravagant prices for
ail articles of consumption • the want of revenue
from a taxation adequate to support the public
credit, all unite in admonishing us that energetic
and prise legislation alone can prevent serious ein-'
1 Arraesment in our monetary Weirs.. It is my con
iction that the people of the Confederacy will freely
meet taxation on a scale adequate to the mainte
nance of the public credit and the support of their"
Government. When each family is sending forth its"
must precious ones to meet exposure in camp and
death in battle, what ground can there be to doubt'.
the aspotitioo to 'devote a tithe of its oine-,and
PHILA_DELPIIIA., MONDAY, JANUARY 19, 1863.
inbre, if more be necessary—to provide the Govern
ment with means for insuring the comfort of its de
fend ere*? If our enemies submit to an excise on
every commodity they produce, and to the daily pre
sence of the tax-gatherer, with no higher motive
than the hope of success in their wicked designs
against us, the suggestion of an unwillingness on
the part of this people to submit to the taxation ne
cessary for the success of their defence is an impu
tation on their patriotism that few will be disported
to make, and that none canjustify.
The legislation of sour last session, intended to
hasten the funding of outstamling treasury notes,
has provetl - benetieral,-as.shown by the returns an
nexed to the report of the Secretary of the Trea
sury : but it was neither sufficiently prompt nor
far-reaching to meet the full extent of the evil. The
passage of some enactment, carrying still further the.
policy of that law, 1)1 - fixing a limitation not later
than the first of July next, to the delay allowed for
funding the notes issued prior to the Ist of Decem
ber, 1862, will, in the opinion of the Secretary, have
the effect to withdraw from circulation nearly the
entire sum issued previous to the. last named date.
If to this be added a revenue from adequate taxation,
and appropriation of bonds guarantied proportion
ately by the seven-per-cents, as has alrcady.been
generously proposed by some of them in enactments
spontaneously adopted, there is little doubt that we
shall see our finances restored to a sound and satis
factory condition, our circulation relieved Of the re
duridancy now productive of so many mischiefs, and
our credit placed on such a basis as to relieve us
from further anxiety relative to our resources for'
the prosecution of the war.
It true that at its close our debt will be large;
but it Will be due to our own people, and neither the
interest nor the capital will be exported to distant
countries, impoverishing ours for their benefit.'
On the return of peace, the untold wealth which
-will spring from our soil will render the :burden of
taxation far less Onerous titan is now supposed, es
pecially if we take into consideration that we shall
then be free from the large and steady, drain of our
substance, to which we were subjected in the Fate.
Union through the instrumentality of sectional le
gislation and protective tariffs. I recommend to your
earnest attention the whole report of the . Secretary
of the Treasury on this important subject, and trust
that your legislation on it will be delayed no longer
than may be required to enable your wisdom to de
vise the proper measures for insuring the accom
plishment of the objects proposed.
The operations ofthe War. Department have been
in the main satisfactory. In the report of the Sec
retary, herewith submitted, will be found a summary
of many memorable successes. They are with jus
tice ascribed in large measure to the reorganization
and reinforcement of our armies under the operation
of the enactments for conscription. The wisdom
and efficacy of these acts have been approved by re
sults, and the like spirit. of unity, endurance, and
self-devotion of the people which has hitherto sus
tained their action must be relied on to assure their
enforcement under the continuing necessities of our
situation. The recommendations of the Secretary
to this effect are tempered by suggestions for their
amelioration, and the subject deserves the considera
tion of Congress.
For the perfection of our military organization
no appropriate means should be rejected, and on
this subject the opinions of the Secretary merit
early attention. It is gratifying to perceive that,
under all the enormous sacritices of war, the power
and means of the Confederacy for its successful
prosecution are increasing. Dependence on foreign
supplies is to be deplored, and should as far as prac
ticable be obviated by the development and employ
ment of internal resources. The peculiar circum
stances of the country, hoWeVer, render this difficult
and require extraordinary encouragements and fa
cilities to be granted by the Government.
The embarrassments resulting from the limited
.capacity of the railroads to afford transportation,
and the impossibility of otherwise commanding and
distributing the necessary supplies for the armies,
render necessary the control of the roads under
some general supervision and resort to the power
of impressment under military exigencies. While
such powers have to be exercised, they should be
guarded by judicious provisions against perversion
or abuse, and be, as recommended by the Secretary,
under due regulation of law.
I specially recommend in this connection some re
vision of the exemption law of last session. Serious
complaints have reached me of the inequality of its
operation from eminent and patriotic citizens
whose opinions merit great consideration, and I
trust that some means will be devised for leaving at
home a sufficient local police, without -making dire
er:minations, always to be deprecited, between dif
ferent classes of our citizens. .
Our relations with the Indian generally continue
to be friendly. A portion 'of the Cherokee people
have assumed an attitude hostile to the Confederate
Government; but it is gratifying to be able to state
that the mass of intelligence and worth in that na
tion have remained true and loyal to their treaty
'•eng . agements. With this exception, there have been
no important instances of dissatisfaction among any
of the friendly nations and tribes. Dissatisfaction
recently manifested itself among certain portions of
them; but this resulted from a misapprehension of
the intentions of the Government in their behalf.
This has been removed, and no further difficulty is
anticipated.
The report of the Secretary of the Nary, herewith
_transmitted, exhibits the progress made in this
branch of the public service since your adjournment,
as well as its present condition.' The details em
braced in it are of such a nature as to render it, in
my opinion, incompatible with the public interests
that they should be published with this message. I
therefore , confine myself to inviting your attention
to the information therein contained.
The report of the Postmaster General shows that
duringthe first postal year, under our Government,
terminating on the 30th of June last, our revenues
were in excess of those received by the former Go
vernment in its last postal year, while the expenses
w ere greatl3 - decreased. There is still, however, a con
siderable deficit in the revenues of the Department, as
compared with its expenses, and, although the grants
ahead) made from the general treasury will suffice
to coverall liabilities to the close of the fiscal year
ending on the 30th of June next, I recommend some
-if any can be constiutionally devised,
for aiding the revenues of that Department during
the ensuing fiscal year, in order to avoid too great a
reduction of postal facilities. Your attention is also
invited to numerous other improvements in the ser
vice recou mended in the report, and for which legis
lation is required.
1 recommend to the Congress to devise a proper
mode of relief to those of our citizens whose pro
perty has been destroyed by order of the Govern.;
mint, in pursuance of a policy adopted as a means
of national defence. It is true that full indemnity
cannot now Le made ; but some. measure of relief is'
due to those patriotic citizens who have borne pri,
vote loss for the public good, whose property, in
effect, has been taken for public use, though not
directly appropriated. Our Government, born of the
spirit of freedom and of the equality and indepen
dence of the States, could not have survived a selfish
orjealous disposition, making each only careful of
its own interest or safety.
The fate of the Confederacy, under the blessing of
Divine Providence, depends upon the harrnony e
energy, and unity of the States. It especially de
volves on you, their representatives, as far as practi
cabletto reform abuses, to correct errors, to culti
vate iraternity, and to sustain in the people a just
confidence in the Government of their choice. To
- that confidence and to the unity . and self-sacrificing
patriotism hitherto displayed Is due the success
which has marked the unequal contest, and has
brought our country into a condition at the present
lime such as the most sanguine would not have ven
tured to predict at the commencement of our strug
gle. Our armies are larger, better disciplined, and
more thoroughly armed and equipped than at any
previous period of the war; the energies of a whole
nation, devoted to the single object of success in this
war, have accomplished marvels, and many of our
trials have, by a beneficent Providence, been con
verted into blessings. The magnitude of the perils
which we encountered have developed the true
qnfilities and illustrated tilt heroic character of our
people, thus gaining for the Confederacy from its
birth a just appreciation from the other nations of
the earth. The injuries resulting front theinterrup
tion of foreign commerce have received compensa
tion by the developments of our internal resources.
Cannon crown our fortresses that were cast from
the proceeds of mines opened and furnaces built
during the war. Our mountain caves yield much of
the nitre for the manufacture of powder and pro
mise increase of product. Front our own foundries
and laboratories, from our own armories and work
shops, we derive, in a great measure, the warlike
material, the ordnance and ordnance stores which •
are expended so profusely in the numerous and
desperate engagements that rapidly succeed each
other. Cotton and woolen fabrics, shoes and
harness, wagons and gun carriages, are produced
in daily increasing quantities by the factories spring
ing into existence. Our fields, no longer whitened
by cotton that cannot be exported, are devoted to
the production of cereals, and the growth of stock
formerly purchased with the proceeds of cotton. In
the homes of our noble and devoted women—with
out whose sublime sacrifices oursuccess would have
been impossible—the noise of the loom and the spin
ningwheel may be heard throughout the land. •
ith hearts swelling with gratitude, let us, then,
join in returning thanks to God, and in beseeching
the continuance of His protecting care over our
cause, and the restoration of peace, with its mani
fold blessings, to our beloved country.
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
RIC11310:CD, Jan. 12, 1563.
The subjoined highly interesting and important
papers, being the correspondence of the Confede
rate authorities in Richmond with their diplomatic
and financial agents abroad, have been recently in
tercepted by our Government, and furnished to the
Notional Intelligencer for publication. Their contents
will be found not only curious but very instructive
for the " South-side view" they give of the opera
tions, plans, and prospects of the "Confederacy:"
There are several columns of letters, (Wed as far
back as September last, addressed by the lion. Ju
dah P. Benjamin, the Confederate Secretary of
State, to the diplomatie agents commissioned to re
present " the Confederacy , ?, in Europe,
and especially
at the Courts of London and Paris. These commu
nications give a view of political and military af
fairs, as apprehended at Richmond at the several
dates on which they were written. The report they
make of "military operations" is equally remark
able for the exaggerated statements with which the
correspondence opens in regard to the Virginia
campaign of the last summer and autumn, and for
the tone of despondency with which it closes in view
of the confessed failure attending the movements of
Gen. Bragg in Kentucky.
FBENCII DESIGNS•ON TEXAS
But perhaps the most interesting portion of this
diplomatic correspondence will be found in the ex
position it makes respecting the supposed discovery
of a political " intrigue tt believed to have been set
on foot by a consular agent. of the French Govern
ment, resident at Galveston, for'the purpose of de
taching the State of Texas from the Southern Con
federation. Grave reasons of-Stite aggrandizement,
confirmed by historical traditions of French policy,
and by present military operations in Mexico, are
assigned by Mr. Benjamin as the probable motives
which may have induced the French Emperor to
countenance this plot against the integrity of the
Confederate Government, if, indeed, it 'shall be
found, as the Confederate Secretary fears, that the
consular agent at Galveston has not acted without
receiving his inspirations from the Government he
represents. Dlr. Slidell, while cautioned to proceed
circumspectly. is accordingly Instructed to give this
matter a thoroush investigation, and arguments are
furnished by which t he susceptibilities anti ambition
of England may be played off against the probable
schemes of the French Emperor. -
Sat. The Emperor of the French has determined to
conquer and hold Mexico as a colony, and is de
sirous of interposing a weak power between his new
colony and the Confederate States, in order that he
nay Teel secure against any interference with his
designs on Mexico.
2d. The French Government is desirous of se
curing for itself an independent source of cotton sup
ply to offset that possessed by Great Britain in India,
and designs to effect this purpose by taking under its
protection the State of Texas, which after being ac
knowledged as an independent republic would, in
its opinion, be, in effect, as dependent on France, and
as subservient to French interests, as if a French
colony. . .
The suppositions of Mr. Benjamin as to the inten
tions of France are summed up as follows :
I have, in accordance with the instruCtiosis of the
President, expelled both Mr. Theron and Mr. Ta
',Guile from the Confederacy, And 'have forbidden
their return without the previous permission of the
Government. I enclose you copies of the orders of
expulsion, marked C and D.
in endeavoring to account for such a course of
action on the part of the French Government, I can
only attribute-it to -one or both of the following
causes:
_ Mr. Ben 4 .7:nin to Mr. Slidell.
6.1 . • 'DEP AIiT3tENT OF STATE„.
• RICHMOND, Bth Oetqbe; 1383.
Eon. John Slidell, 4 - c., 4 - c., 4-c., Paris:
Snc: 'Since writing my No, 7; of ilth 'and Mit in
stants, I have received from tiiebandfnt.llrarearki
(who arrived on the 25th instant) your No. 10 of 25th
July, with its very interesting report of your inter
views with the Emperor of the French and M.
Thouvenel. I had previously received (on the 21st
instant) your private letter of 18th September, for
warded through Mr. Mason, this last having reached
me in a shorter time than any communication
hitherto had with Europe, and demonstrating the
great value of the new means of intercourse now
opened and which we hope to maintain. Mr. Ma
son will explain to you the details of the new ar
rangement, and your beet course will be to forward
your future despatches through him.
The voluminous contents of your despatch, and'
that of Mr. Mason, have prevented their communi
cation to the President, with whom I desire to con
fer before answering you. The President is for the
moment deeply engn,, , md in militaiy matters, and in
endeavors to repair by new combinations the evils
resulting from the failure of the Kentucky campaign,
which has eventuated in none of the happy conse
quences which we so confidently hoped. The only
gain has been the capture of a very large amount of
au 'plies.
have no time to add anything by this conveyance,
hut another opportunity will otter in a few days for
.ft full despatch, "
I am, very respectfully . , your obedient servant,
J. P. BENJAIII.IN, Secretary of State.
Arr. Benjamin to M. De Leon. •
(No. 2.] •' " DEPARTMENT OP STATE,
1110E310mo, December 13, 1862.
Sin : I avail myself of an unexpected opportunity
to acknowledge receipt of ypUrs, Nos. 1 and 2. They
have been read with lively interest, and you will not
fail to keep the Department fully advised of your
conchisions as to the probable action of European
Powers, as fast as their views are developed, either
through the.press or other agencies.
The President has been so fully occupied with
military matters that it . lias been- scarcely possible
for me to confer with him at length on the:matters
suggested by your . and he has just departed very sud
denly for tour in the Southwest, where this pre
sence was greatly needed to restore affhirsi and to
impart renewed energy and activity to our military
operations. '
On his return I will take measures to forward you
additional means to.enablc you to extend the held of
your operations, and to embrace, if possible, the
press of central Europe in your campaign. -Austria
and Prussia, as well as the smaller Germanic
Powers, seem to require intelligence of the true con
dition of our affhirs and of the nature of our struggle,
and it is to be hoped you may find means to act with
- .efficiency in moulding public opinion in those coun
tries.
The bearer of this goes in part to complete ar
rangements for more prompt communication, and I
hope that fro; the future my despatches will reach
Europe more regularly and promptly.
Your obeuient servant,
J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of State.
dti in de Leon, Esq., care of Hon. John Slidell,
&c.iParis. '
• • Mr. Benjamin to Mr. Mason.
[No; 7.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Pronmano, September 26, 1962.
Hon. James M. Mason, 4T., 4T., London : .
SIR : Since my No. 6, of 19th July, I have received
three communications from you, (not numbered),
all of.which arrived on the 26th August. 1 also re
ceived a duplicate of your No. 11, of 16th May.
I enclose you, for information, copy of a despatch
sent:to Mr. Mann on the subject of a recent conven
tion between the United States and • the King of
Denmark relative to Africans captured from players
at sea. It may be well to have an eye to the move
ments of, the enemy in the disposal of slaves cap
tured froni our people, and you will perceive by the
instructions to Mr. Mann what are the President's
viewa on this interesting matter.
I must again request of you to have communicated
to Mr.' Mann a copy of that part of this despatch
which relates to the war and present state of the .
country, as it is out of my power to write to him by
this conveyance.
I am,- sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of State.
Mr. Benjamin to Mr. Mason.
[No. B.] DEFART3IENT OF STATE,
RICIDIOND, Oct. 28, 1862.
Hon. James 31. Mason, 4-e., 4 - c:, 4-c., London:
au: The arrangements made by the bearer of de
spatches 16 and 17, for facilitating intercourse be
tween us, have been approved, and will be continued
as long - as'successful. The details will be explained
to you by the bearer of this despatch (Mr. George
Sanders) in person.
The subject of a loan, based on cotton certificates,
has been fully considered, and you will receive here
with a communication front the Secretary of the'
Treasury, informing you of the conclusions reached
by us afterMuelt deliberation. I communicated to
the Secretary your tender of services in connection
with this matter, and he requests me to express his
thanks, and to solicit your aid and co-operation in
any movements that may he made to secure success
by Mr. Spence, to whom the Government has con
fided the business, in consequence chiefly of your re
commendation. Be had been appointed 'to take charge •
of other negotiations before the receipt of your last
despatches.
The President desires me to express his'approval
and satisfaction with your conduct, in assuming, •
under the circumstances, the responsibility of
malting the arrangements necessary for the success
of Captain Sinclair in his arrangements for building
a ship. •
It is gratifying to perceive that you had, as was
confidently anticipated, reviewed your impressions,
and determined not to withdraw from London with- •
out the previouthinstructions of thefresident Your
. correspondenen.with Earl Russell shows with what
scant courtesy you have been treated, and exhibits a
Marked contrast between the conduct of the English
and Pieneh statesmen, now in office, in their inter
coursd with foreign agents eminentlidiscredit able to
the foinner. It is lamentable that at this late period
in the nineteenth century a nation so enlightened as '
Great Britain should have failed yet to discover that
a principal cause of the dislike and' hatred towards
-England *of which complaints are rife in her
Parliament, and in her press, is the offbnsive arro
gance of some of her public men. The contrast is
striking between the-.polished Courtesy of M.r.
Thouvenel and the rude incivility of Earl Russell.
Your deteimination to submit to these annoyances
in the service of•youfeountry, find - to overlook per
sonal slights, while hope remainsthat your conti
nued presence- in England may benefit our cause,
cannot fail to meet the warm approval of your Go
vernment. I refrain, however, from further com
ment on the contents of your despatches till the at-•
tentibn of the President (now concentrated on ef—
forts to repair the ill effects of the failure of the.
Kentucky campaign) can be directed to your corre--
spondence with Earl Russell.
I am, sir. your obedient servant -
J. P. BENJAMIN,
Secretary of State.
CORRESPONDENCE OF THE CONFEDERATE
TREASURY AND NAVY DEPARTMENTS.
Monininger to Mr. Alason.
[Duplicate.]
TREASURY DEFARTMENT 7 C. S. A.,
If
• ICHMOND, Oct. 21, 1862.
Ilon. J. N. Mason, Commissioner Confederate Slates,
London:
Sin: - The cotton certificate forwarded in your des
patch to the Secretary of State has been carefully
examined. and upon due consideration of the views
expressed . by you, and the probable ability of the
Government to furnish cotton, a form of certificate
has been adopted somewhat. differing from 'yours.
The differences are several :
1. In price, It has been deemed best to fix this at
five pence sterling. This form of stating the price
has been adopted in preference to cents, because it
expresses the rate to be paid for the cotton here, in a
currency which la understood to carry a right to its
value in London. Thus, five pence sterling would
imply a right to receive that amount in London; or
so much of our currency as would be required to pur
chase five pence sterling. At the present rate of ex
change, this would amount to twenty-five cents. It
is thought that this would not be too high a price to
demand:
2. The cotton is made deliremble at certain ports,
instead of any portst the option of the holder. This
change is required by the fact that most of our cotton
is at the Nest; and if a large portion should he re
quited at an Atlantic Text, it would be impossible to
perform the contract. It-is, therefore, proposed to
issue separate certificates lOr the Gulf and Atlantic
ports in such amounts as can be delivered at each.
3. The certificates are demandable only after
peace, and within six months thereafter. it would
be impossible to transport the cotton to any great
amount until that period. To provide, however, for
such cases AS might desire to run the blockade, it is
proposed that for some premium, to be adjusted' by
yourself, you should place in the contract an addi
tional clause as follows, which you are authorized
to 'add :
"The Government further agrees to deliver the
cotton called for in this certificate at any time during
the pending war, at any port within its possession,
(if practicable to transport the cotton to the port se
lected,) upon the payment by the holder of the cost
of transportation."
4. in case, by accident or otherwise, the holder
should omit to make his demand within this period,
the certificate is not forfeited, but the Government
has the option to deliver the cotton, or return the
amount paid. say one thousand dollars, with inter
est at six per cent. from the issue of the certificate.
5. An additional formality is added in requiring
your endorsement. This addition has been made to
guard against capture or loss of the certificates on
their way to Europe, and also to give an official su
pervision there. '
I 'now send, by. Mr. G. N. Sanders, one thousand
Certificates for the Gulf ports, and five hundred Tor
the Atlantic. In order to have the payments put in
proper form you had better deposit the certificates
with our depositaries, Messrs. Fraser, Trenholm,
& Co., at Liverpool, directing them to receive the
Money and deposit the same to the credit of the
Treasurer of the Confederate States. This will
place matters in a business form,
and relieve you
of the necessity of keeping accounts.
In order that you nifty act understandingly, per
mit me to apprize you of such financial arrange
ments.as have already been made.
At your suggestion, I have appointed Mr. James
Spence, of Liverpool, financial agent, and have re
quested him to:negotiate for the sale of five millions
dollars of our eight-percent. bonds, if he can realize
fifty per eent. on them. I have already sent over
two millions of the bonds, and will send another
million in a week or ten days. Mr. Spence is di
rected to confer with Messrs. Fraser, Trenholm, &
Co., who had previously - been made our depositaries
at Liverpool. Had I known with certainty where
you were, 1 would also have referred him to you,
and would thank you now to place yourself iwcor
respondence with him.
1 have also directed Mr. Spence to endeavor to
negotiate for the application of two" and a halrmil
lions of coin, which I have here, for the purchase of
supplies and munitions for our army. .I hope that
this coin will be accepted by British houses in pay
ment at the rate of sterling in England, less freight
and insurance. It seems to me that, upon its trans
fer to British owners, they could obtain transpor
tation for it on-their vessels-of-war from any Con
federate port, inasmuch as it would be bona fide
British property, and, in any event, the holder of
lig transfer would have a certain security.
A difference has been made by our Congress in
some of its appropriations for the navy. Those for
building vessels are payable in bonds. it follows,
therefore, that a discrimination must be bonds..
in the
application of funds from the different sources of
revenue, of which you will take notice.
Under the act of Congress authorizing me to ac
ceiit produce in exchange for bonds (of which I en
close a copy), I have procured a considerableamount,
which is stored on plantations or in warehouses. I
send you a copy of one of, the certificates taken for
the cotton: These certificates it is proposed to olhsr
for sale in Europe. They would give to the pur
chaser an Absolute right to the particular lot of cot
ton, with the privilege. of shipping the same, and
may be preferred by some purchasers. 7-
In conclusion, allow me to request yOur. co-opera
tibrr in these various plans, and any suggestions
whiCh your experience and observation may deem
proper. Respectfully,your obedient servant,
C. G. IitEraiIIINGER, •
Secretary of Treasury.
An ad to authorize Me Exchange of Bond; for articles
in kind, end the shipment, sale, or hypothecation of
such orliciri.
Svci: ON I. The Congress of the Confederate Males of
Zmertca do enact, That the S ecretary of the Treasury
be, and he is hereby, authorized to exchange the
• bonds or stocks of the Confederate States for any
:articles in kind which may be required for the use of
the Government, the said articles to be valued ac
cording to such regulations as the said Secretary
- •
shall make.
Section 2. It shall be the duty of the Commissary
and Quartermaster Generals to direct their various
officers to receive, at the place of purchase, all 'such
articles purchased as are applicable to their several
.deparimente, and to apply the same in the' same
wanner as if purchased directly by themseliei; and
the eiticer to whom - each article is delivered shall be
charged with the value as declared by the purchase,
and shall be bound to account for the same. . •
Sec. 3. The said Secretary b also authorized 'to
accept, for the use of the Government, in exchange
for the said bonds or stock, cotton, tobacco, and
other agricultural products in kind, which have
been subscribed to the produce loan, or which may
be subscribed in kind, at such rates as may be ad
justed' between the parties and the agents of the
Government. Provided, That in no event shall he
receive of cotton or tobacco.a greater value than
thirty-five millions of dollars ; and the said Secre
tary is further authorized to deposit the same at
such places as he shall 'deem proper, and to procure
advances thereon by hypothecation, or to ship the
same abroad, or to sell the same at home or abroad
as he may deem best ; and to assist these operations
the said Secretary may issue produce certificates,
which shall entitle the party to whom issued, or his
endorsee, to receive the produce therci n set forth,
and to ship the same to any neutral port in confor
nifty with the laws of the Confederate States.
Sec. 4: The Secretary of the Treasury may, from
time to time, appoint and dismiss such agents as he
may deem requisite to carry into died the provi
sions of this act. Their compensation shall be a
brokerage upon the business completed by them, at
such rates as the Secretary . , Of the Treasury shall
adjust by general regulation.
Sec. ff...• The Secretary of the Treasury may, from
time to time issue regulations for carrying out all
the details involved in the 'provisions of this act,
which shall be obligatory upon all parties concerned
therein.
Approved April 21, 1862.
Confederate Slates of America.
$l,OOO nom).
Cotton Certificate. No.
This is to certify-, that ---, of -, i 8 the pro
prietor of twenty bales of cotton, of 10,000 lb. weight,
rating New Orleans middling at live pence sterling,
which shall be delivered by the Government of the
Confederate States of America to -, or order,'
at the port of Charleston or Savannah, subject only
to charges for compressing, putting on board ship,
and existing Government dues, the latter not ex
ceeding one-eighth of bne cent per lb. •
The cotton will be delivered as soon as demanded
by the holder of this certificate, upon the Govern
ment receiving thirty days , notice of such demand.
The demand must be made within the six months af
ter the declaration of peace between the present bel
ligerents iu America ; in default of a demand within
that period, this certificate may be discharged by
payment of one thousand dollars, with interest at
the rate of six percent. per annum, from the date of
issue endorsed hereon.
This certificate will confer no right until verified
and endorsed by the Commissioner of the Confede-
rate States in Great Britain.
In testimony whereof, the Register of the Trea
sury bath hereunto affixed his name and the seal of
the Treasury Department at Richmond, this first
day of November, 1862.
-, Register of Treasury.
Copy of "Produce Ccri (florae."
[Here enter the weight of the bales only, and their
marks.]
42 bales good ordinary cotton, marked C. S. A.,
and 16 bales middling cotton, same mark.
461 463 456 6'7 bales. Aggregate
437 615 515 weight 26,218, at 8% . ...522,-
442 486 . 600 94.07.
462 95S 488 Stale of Mississippi:
428 . 490 461 County of Madison.
505 479 490 Town, or Pot Office, Canton..
358 465 422 The undersigned having
508 460 988 sold to the Confedetate
451 442 451 States of America, and re
-443 423 458 ceived the value of same i n
938 967 450 bonds, the receipt whereof
457 468 465 is hereby acknowledged, 57
476 478 . 951 bales of cotton, marked,
443 461 483 numbered, and classed as
440 437 461 in the margin, which are
995 432 now deposited at his plan
-466 - 466 6,996 tation in said county, here
-443 453 lbs. mid. by agrees to take due care
464 453 of said cotton while on his
plantation, and to deliver
'453 9,685 the same at his own ex
-458 9,538 pence, at Canton, nn the
N. 0. I. &G. N. Railroad,
9,538 19,223 lbs. in the State okMississippl,
good ord. to the order of the Secre
tary of the Treasury, or his
i 'agents, or their assigns.
THOS. G. SMITH.
CAA-Tax, August 6, 1862.
The undersigned, as agent of the Government.
certifies that the within cotton has been examined
by him, and that its character will rank according to
the commercial scale as middling and good ordinary,
and also that the weights and marks are as de
scribed—the cotton being in good merchantable or
der, and safely stored in a covered building.
The undersigned certifies that the price agreed
upon is a fair market price at the present time.
WILL. G. BAILEY.
CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERIOA )
Treasury Department,
156-.
This is to certify that the within and above de
scribed cotton has been sold to - -, and-de
livery is hereby ordered to be made to him, or his
order, with license to export the same from the Con
federate States to any neutral port, on complying
with the , requisitions of tire law.
Given under my hand and the seal of the Treasury
Department, on the year and day above mentioned.
Secretary of Treasury.
Mr. Mallory to Mr. Mason.
(Duplicate.]
CONFEDEITATE STATES OF ANSYMAt
Navy Department, Richmond, Oct. 26, 1862.
SFR : Your letter Of the 18th ultimo reached me a
few days ago. ,Without your advice and effectual
assistance the enterprise for which Lieut. Sinclair
has been selected must have been indefinitely de
ferred, and you have, my cordial thanks for your
action therein. Your stipulations in behalf of this.
department are fully endorsed, and will be promptly
fulfilled.
The Treasury has under consideration your sug
gestions as to cotton bonds, and Mr. Benjamin will
advise you of the modifications of the form trans
mitted by you which Air. hlemminger deemeneces-
SW'S.
The speedy completion and departure of Mr. Sin
clair's work 1 regard of so much importance that-I
mustinvoke your further aid, should he require it,
to enable him to raise funds for the purpose of which
rI have advised him and the repetition of which here
I deem inexpedient.
The courier who brought your despatches found a
means of communication whose safety justifies their
further use, and Mr. Benjamin will probably ad
vise you thereof. The completion of the contract of
this gentleman will place a peculiar class of ships,
never before construct upon the sea in our-ser
vice, and I shall repn
et the Treasury Department
shall fail to make such arrangement as will enable
him to aceomplish this important enterprise. .
I have the honor to be, very respectfully,
• Your obedient servant,
S. R. 'MALLORY Secretary of the Navy.
Hon. AMES MAsox,Commissioner. &.c., No. 51 -
Devonshire street, Portland Place, London.
it seems that
s previous to the departure of Mr.
Geo. N. Sanders for Europe, certain legislation of
the Confederate .Congress which had been proposed
in the matter of contracting for the constructiomof."
iton-elad ships in Europe, encountered the opposi—
tion of that gentleman. The following memoran
dum from him on the subject is found among the in
tercepted papers. Addressed to "Reid Sanders,"
it was probably placed by the latter in the hands-of:
Mr. Memminger or Mr. Mallory, respectively the-
Secretaries of the Confederate Treasury and Navy :
RICHmoNn, August 5, 1862.
• Any legislation in regard to the construction of
Iron clad steamers until lime is given me toget mine
under way will be very unjust.- My detention here
was necessary to the perfection of the contracts,
which took much time and reflection. Tire final in
structions of 111. e Navy Department have been is
sued but a few days. Bunglers entering the Euro
pean market might endanger the entire scheme..
Great skill and diplomacy must be exercised to avoid
the interference of European Governments.
No one isentitied to my suggestions until full time
is given me to carry them out.
GEORGE N. SANDERS.
To REID SANDERS.
To thin is added by Sanders the following list of
names, consisting. of persons ,connected with the
Confederate Administration and Congress. Several.
of the names, it will be seen, have a cross prefixed ,
,to them, intimating probably that they already fa—
voted his views, or needed to be still furtherap-.
proached on the subject. This supposition is, how--
'ever, purely conjectural on our part. This list is as=
follows, in G. N. Sanders , handwriting :
Bre:.4dent Davis, Secretary Mallory,
Vice President Stevens, P. M. G. Regan,
{Simms, . tßreekinridge, Boyce,
Burnett, {Conrad, {Garnett,
Hunter, Elliott, Miles,
Henry, {Head . Wright, Tenn.,
tßrown, Mies., Matc ien, 'Laskin,
tOrr,Bruce, Lyons,
Johnson, Cooke, tFoote,
'Wigan, tß9coek, tPugh,
tOlarke.
The following unsigned letter is also found among;
the captured papers :
The Eon. S. R. 3lallory, Seerrlary of the Nary:
SIR:. As I contemplate leaving here without loss.
of time for Europe, for the purpose of rendering ina,
portant and valuable service to the Confederacy, I
deem it proper to recommend to you the necessity of:
my having the co-operation of Commodore Forrest
in the plans which have been suggested to you. He
is an official of experience, and well qualifled•to,lenth
important assistance, which may reault in the com
plete realization of my hopes and exctations.;:in-•
deed, if Commander Sinclair could also accompany,
me, or be sent out to give his attention to matters.
connected with the plans I have in contemplation, I
ant satisfied - that with the professional knowledge•or
these gentlemen we cannot fail to subserve- our in,
teresfs, and renderhigh and important serviee to our:
cause, both in superintending and constructing. the
vessels built to cut up the enemy's commerce.. 1 have•
the honor.
The following memorandum appears to,be•in. the
same hindwriting with the above letter, ihough,
moth disguised or very carelessly written
Gabreath & Co., of Scotland, and W. S., Lindsay.CO, of London, are the houses with. whom. I.
had the negotiation about the steamers.. I rewnst
Captain Sinclair, of the Confederate navy,. to.make
all preliminary arrangement for the contract tut my
return. (See him first), he will meet you:in.Lon—
don.
George Thompson & Co., Glasgow, will , make
proposals for the construction of at leastone steam
cr. They have the drawing and estimates compLete.
Lindsay & Co. will negotiate the nasal store
onds.
B. Rice & Co. may undertakeenough:`o.load one
essel (Nova Scotia) with shoes and clothing under
the North Carolina contract. Turpentine LOO.should
bring per gallon $2, rosin should brillXV.
CONPEDEIZATE STA.TE-. 44 NAVY DEPAIVI'MENT,
Bien Oet..V, 1S&.
Ikn. C. G. Memmingeni Sccrctary of the 'lirecAtory:
Sin : I have the honor to call your atbention to the
copy of the secret joint resolution of Congress,
which was sent you on Saturday, anatosomuch of
my recommendation to Congress upon the subject
of the act as shows the basis upea whieh it was
parsed, a copy of which was also seat you on Satur
day. •
Under this authority, contracts linve been made
with Blr. George N. Sanders. ty, thia Department,
for Fix ships, to be paid for in cotton, a copy of which
contract is herewith enclosed.
Mr. Sanders informs me that if the Government
will fix the price of the cotton to he delivered, he
can execute ais contract, and not otherwise, and
deeming the ships important to the public interest.,
I suggest for your consideration the expediency of
stating the price, and of pursuing, with reference to
payment in cotton for the.seshipa, the course you,
have adopted with regard to the cotton bonds.
I am, respectfully, vour obedient servant,
S. if. DIALL . O.IIY; Secretary of the Navy,
31r. Memmisger to .31r. Mallory.
Cox FEDER:WI: STATES OP AM ERIeA,
TREASURY Dnrtr,'ltscnmaxo, Oct. 304,. ISat.
Six: I approve the suggestion made by you of
making your contract for building iron-clad vessels
in Europe conform to the arrangements of the cot
ton certificates sent to the Hon. J. M. Mason. I
enclose a form of each of these certificates. Upon
the meeting of Congress an appropriation must be
made to meet your contracts, and the terms can
then be altered so as to conform the mode of pay
ment to the cotton certificates, fixing a price for the
cotton; and providing for the delivery at any pott
upon adding the charges of transportation. The
only limit to these combined operations will be the
quantity of cotton which the Government can pur
chase, which I hope will be found ample. '
lt cspectfully, -your obedient servant,
C. G. AIIittiIAIINGER,
Secretary of the Treasury.
[The "cotton certificates" enclosed In the forego
ing letter are the same as those pritttett above:].
THREE CENTS.
Mr. Mallory to Mr. Mason
CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA,
NAVY DEFT, RICHMOND, Oct. 30, 1861
Hon. James M. Mason, Commissioner of the Confederate
States to Great Britain, London:
Sin : Mr. Sanders has, as you are aware, contract.
ed with this Department for the construction in Eng
land of six iron•elad steamers, combining the capa
cities of the freighting and the, fighting ships, in a
manner Which will enable them to force the block
ade of our ports.
The interests of the country will be much benefit
ed by the prompt construction of these vessels, and
I beg leave to invoke your interest, not only in be
half of our enterprises already in progress, but in
behalf of this also.
The Secretary of the .Treasury has this day ad
ds essed to inc » note upon the subject of the cotton
to be delivered in liquidation of these contracts, and
I enclose herewith a copy.
1 have the honor to be, very respectfully, your
obedient servant, S. D. MALLORY,
Secretary - of the Navy.
[Duplicate.]
ThEASURY DEPAILTMENT, C. S. A.,
RICHMOND, October 21, ISG2.
Messrs. Fraser, 'Nettle°lm, 4- Co., Liverpool, G. B.:
GENTLEMEN : The enclosed letter to Mr. James
Spence is sent to you for your guidance and con
sideration. Respectfully, your obedient servant,
C. 0-. MEMMINGER,
Secretary of Treasury.
Mr. Memminger to Mr. Spe h ce
(Duplicate.]
CONFEDERATE STATESiI OP AMERICA, Tn eAsurtr
DEPARTMENT, RICHMOND, Oct. 21, 18G2.
James Spence, Esq., Liverpool, G. 13.:
Sir.: As you have been appointed financial agent
for the Confederate, States, and Messrs. Fraser,
Trenhohn, & Co., are its depositaries under our law,
I desire that you would confer together on the mat
ter submitted by this letter.
I have on hand gold and silver coin, (chiefly the
former), two and a half millions of which I desire
to apply in payment of articles purchased in England
by our agents for the use of the Confederate Go
vernment. We find it impossible to purchase a suffi
cient amount of exchange for these purposes, and
the small amount to be had is at such high rates
that it would he desirable to furnish a substttute.
propose to make payment for purchases by a transfer
to the creditor of so much of this coin as may be re
quisite. I presume that when the coin thus becomes
bona fide the property of a British subject, that the
British Government would, at his instance, permit
any of its vessels to bring over the same for him.
If this expectation be realized the coin here would
be as valuable as exchange, and in England would
probably realize itsmint value, less freight and in
surance.
To enable you to carry out any arrangements you
may deem advisable, Mews. Fraser, Trenholm,
Co. are authorized to make an absolute transfer of
the coin, or to draw bills for the same on E. 0. El
more, Esq., treasury, payable here, and a copy of
this letter is sent to each of you that you may act in
concert, and give us the benefit of your united
counsel. •
I am remitting, by opportunities as they occur, the
bonds of the Confederate States, the proceeds of
which, when sold, are intended to be applied to the
contracts, of which you have been advised.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
C. G. MEMMINGER,
Secretary of Treasury.
fitr. filemminger to Messrs. Fraser, Trenholm 4- Co.
[Duplicate.)
Tut:Astra - DEPARTMENT C. S. A.,
- 13 tot MOND, October 24, 1862.
Messrs. Fraser, Trenhoim, 4- Co., Liverpool, G. B.:
DR Slits : Your letter of July 21st is just re
ceived, advising sales per " Economist." and balan
ces to the credit of the Confederate States of
£7,121 19s. 11d., and £32285. 9d. All these credits,
with all o her remittances from this department, you
will place to the credit of the treasurer of the Con
federate States, subject to his draft. The course of
business at the treasury is to draw on the deposi
taries in favor of third parties. When these parties
are creditors, the payment of them being vouched
ends the matter. When the third party is merely a
disbursing officer of the Government, the effect of
the treasurer's draft on the depositary is to transfer
the amount to the credit of the disbursing officer, on
which he may check at pleasure he baying to ac
count at the treasury for the tvhde amount.
So, too, when bills of exchange, or any other re
mittances, are forwarded to you by the Secretary of
the Navy or of War, they are not to be credited to
the Treasurer, but to the officers, directed to such
secretaries, and your account must be rendered to
them, and not to this Department.
At, the suggestion of our minister in Englandy I
propose to issue cotton certificates, of which I send•
you a specimen. When countersigned by him, he•
will deliver them to you to receive the money to be'
paid for them. You will take care that the date in
the endorsement corresponds with the date of recei
ving the Money. The proceeds will be deposited to
the credit or the Treasurer, and it. is important that I
should be advised of any sales as promptly as possi
ble.
In regard to the payment of the £60,000 mentioned
in your letter of July 21st, to Captain Caleb Huse, I
am unable to speak definitely, until I can get sun
dry details, of which I will advise you in another
letter. Respectfully, your obedient servant,
C. G. lIEMIIIINGER,
Secretary of Treasury.
[The cotton certificates enclosed are the same as
those quoted above.]
Ni. Alemminger to Metell. Fraser, Trenholm, 4- CO.
TREASURY DEPAPTMENT ! C. S. A.,
Bieumosu, October 28, 1862.
Messrs. Fraser, Trenholm, 4. Co., Liverpool, G. B.
DEAR Sins : You will please extend a credit to
Major J. B. Ferguson to the extent of live hundred
thousand dollars, and give him any assistance in
your now er to make his purchases for the Confede
rate States. .
I have already informed you and Mr. Spence that
I have on hand two and a half millions of dollars in
coin, upon which drafts can be made, or which you
are authorized to transfer to any parties who may
'tarnish the means to make our purchases. This
fund, or any amounts which may be realized upon
our bonds, will, I trust, enable you to meet the credit
herein extended to Major Ferguson, In addition to
that heretofore given. Respectfully, your obedient
servant, C. G. MEMIIIINGEH,
. - Secretary of Treasury.
Mr. St. John to Mr. Smith.
CONFLIDERATE STATES OF AMERICA,
WARDETART.IIENT, NITRE AND MINING BUREA.I7,
Rieirmoxn, October 28. 1862.
Sin :. The undersigned, for, and on behalf of, the
Confederate States of America, will receive from you
shipments of nitre, to be delivered within the limits
of said Confederate States, and not to exceed one
thousand tons, upon the following terms and rates
of payment:
Vst. For nitre delivered at any Confederate port
east of the Mississippi river seventy-fire (75) cents
pc r pound, of ninety per cent. purity, if delivered on
or before March 1, 1863.
2d. For nitre delivered as above, but after March
1, 1863, sissy cents per pound, of ninety per cent.
purity.
3d. For all nitre delivered as above, at Confede
rate ports between the Mississippi and Rio Grande
rivers, fifty eents per pound, of ninety per cent.
purity.
It is to be distinctly understood, in connection
with the above stipulation, that all payments thus
due are to be made and received in the treasury
notes of the Confederate States, or, if preferred, in
their bonds, and that the inspection of a duly accre
dited otfloer from this Bureau shall be final as to the
quality of the nitre received, and that inferior gush
ties, under ninety per cent. purity, shall be paid for
at a pro rata valuation. J. hf. ' ST. JOIN,
Major and Sup: C. S. Nitre and Mining Bureau.
Approved: J. Gorto..ts,
Colonel and Chief Ordnance.
_ _
111 r. WM. li. smith, London, England.
[With the above letter were enclosed clippings
from the Richmond papers relating to the war.]
Intercepted Correspondence of the London
Times.
W_kSIIINGTON, January 18, 1883
The following letter, written by Daniel H. Lon
don,faiied to find its way to the London limes. By
some means, not explained, it was recently received
in Washington. Perhaps its contents, now originally
Published, may be as interesting to the people of the
Dnited.9tates as if it had been extracted from the
London Times:
CONFEDERATE STATES OF ANIEiIICA,
RICHMOND, Va.,November, 1862.
For The Times:
Within a few weeks, there has been published in
this-oity, the followin g , ' letter from a Federal mail
bag captured by Confederate pickets in the neighbor
hood of Charlestown i Virginia, which is not far
away from Harper's T erry. Its genuineness is not
questioned. Its author is nephew to Mr. Lincoln's
Secretary of State.
NEAR CHARLESTOWN, Va., October 19, ISO.
DEAR UNCLE : I got here from the Ferry yester
day. afternoon. I have not time to write you but a
few lines now, but will write more fully in a day or
two..
I send you half a dozen copies of various of the .
Richmond papers, captured by some of our cavalry
last night. By reading them, you will see that the
rebels are not yet fully convinced that they have not -
been routed in Kentucky ! The Whig's editorial says
it 1/ever expected success there while the rebel army
was under such incompetent generals! And the Ex
aminer is still in a state of painful anxiety about the
battle of Perryville!
Itiseems they have received despatches from Gen.
Forrest, and numerous other Southern sources, tell
ing of their victory;' but Bragg's official report has
not been received, and they have seen the Federal
papers, and as these do not adroit a defeat to the Union
army, the Southerners really doubt whether any has
oceurred ! Is not this another evidence of the wisdom
of yeur policy in regard to the Northern pressl Gen.
Scott was right in saying that falsification wag a
necessary part of the machinery of war. In this war
it is a powerful aid, as the Southern .press republish
and seem .to credit so much of what we choose to
give to our papers.
Push your policy as to the press still further.
Make them state every tight a glorious victory, and
Vire fo it. It will do great good .North and 'South.
No time for more now. Bob Verplank is here, and
well. Very affectionately, your/nephew,
'WILLIAM H. VANPEIT.
Hon. Wm. H. SEwiato.
[NOTE IST THE AGENT OW THE Aft.SOCI ATM - ) Prts:A.s.
—This letter has heretofore been denounced as a for , -
. gery, by those who ought to know.]
When Mr. Welles, the tsectrstary of the Navy,
was applauding the United .States officer for the out,-_
rage commitett on the British firtg, by the capture of.
Mason and Slidell, and splint:ring the transaction,
this Secretary of State was:disavowing and reptutia,
Ling it through Mr. Adarne,.utinister of the United
States in London. Mr. Lincoln was the criminal
who spoke falsely, since both statements were his
Own, as what the Presiderttnioes through his minis
tors he does hiruselr, andrudeb the success litual to a.
ktpocrite he secured the eontempt of all honest
minds.. During the great, - oattles around Richmond ;
McClellan Eeuttrue despatches to Washington city
of his disasters. The puhlished ones wore ananufac
lured in the office of the Secretary oft. War. This
statement I hear wasmade by Judge Bates, Attor
ney General for the railed Staten, to. his. two.
nephews who are in tt're Confederate nrcuy, and were
taken prisoners, canned to Washinven, and,while
there stayed with. Judge gates- A.nditkOw General,
McClellan has too little manhood '..o.sxliose ar.d de
nounce the falsehoods practised ir4lris name. Lost
to every sense ef, shame, he is wilting to sew:emits-.
tees forpay, the.!, themselves are* companions.only
for the base and depraved; bu.>eren.
head of the army no longer. Lehitt.mastora.tell the
reasons I could not credit valet I situ/alluded:too
so often, as one of the mean sot conduating onoof
the moat iaiqu itiOna and ou trageaus contests. recoarid
iu modern times, until I had. the moshpositiv.poei
dcnce that falsehood—yes, falsehood persisltabio--
was one of the reliancesorthe United:Statesk the
purpose of continuing thair struggle. agairtst the'
Confederate States.-
The above statements will prepare the. 'way for
another letter, in which the outrage Ls Dana. revolt
ing than say of which the Austrian Ilkynau could
'boast. Savages; eves 4 could nob excel The deseera
bon which is brought to thellOt in the following
narrative. The cowardly liar is always cruel to
those in his power,
and weeks matteinate the exhi
bition of one rice by existence of the other; but
there are some crimes so revolting, that we Vituhler
to hear of them. This letter tells of such.
[Here is appended the following letter, headed
laniree outrages to Louisiana," and published in
tic Raleigh Ciitorh InteAtsiencrr. It is a private docu
ment, and written by a lady living on a Mississippi
..
river plantation in the Southwest.] ,
ELKus imp.,`/Luguit
We have had the pleasure of greeting the stare
and bars „ at the head of more than one steanitzat.
timing the past week. As we now hold the river
THE WAR PRESS.
iPUBLISHED WEEKLY.)
Tin Was Pane will be sent to subscribers by
mall (per annum In advance) at 52.00
Five " " 9.1)0
Ten 17.00
Twenty Copies " 111, 34.00
Larger Clubs than Twenty will Ye charged at tin
same rate, si.ao per copy.
The money ?mat always accompanit the order. aryl
in no instance can theee fermi be deejated from. as thv
afford very little more than the coet of the payer.
474- Poetrnaetere are requested to act as Agents for
TAR WAR PREIS&
air
To tho getter-up of a Club of ten or twenty, as
extra copy of the Paper will be given.
above at Vicksburg, and below at Port Hudson, our
boats are venturing out of their hiding places, and
are beginning to carry provisions from the Red
river and Texas to the upper country. I do not think
the Federals will ever again control the Mississippi,
as they have done; though they may harass us, the
border planters, by unexpected raids and sudden
surprises, as they did at Milliken's Bend. We
have forces a short distance from the river;
but the Federals may Make sharp, sudden,
devastating forays, if one of our sentinels
should be caught asleep again. Par exmpir, at
Milliken's bend they took prisoner an acquaint
ance of ours, a Mr. John Parker, put a pair of hand
euffh on him and took him off with them. Time and
language would fail me if I attempted to give you
an account of all that we hear of their outrages in
New Orleans and the adjoining country. Don't be
lieve Butler's lies about Union sentiments," and
loyal citizens there. If there is a place where the
Federals are most detested it is here in Louisiana.
In New Orleans the ladies never go out of their
houses if they can help it, and then armed, as in all
parts of the State exposed to their inroads women
are. I believe lam the only woman in this part of
the State who has not arms and does not know how
to - use them, and I think 1 could shoot too on an
emergency, only I have such a distaste to weapons
that I. think 1 would rather be killed than to kill
anybody. I would not shoot in defence of life. but I
would of honor.
The other day, when the Federals made their raid,
at the house of one of my relatives a young girl was
sick, just recovering from billious fever. The other
young lady of the same age, a widow of one week,
seized a revolver and stationed herself at the
chamber-door of her sick relative, determined to
shoot down the first soldier who dared to approach
the room. Fortunately, the officers showed hu
manity enough to prevent any outrages, but a
faithful servant came to the young ladies' parent
after the Federate had left,'and entreated her " not
to expose her young mistress ever again where the
Yankees were, as,'' she said "the soldiers talked so
dreadfully about the young ladies." At another
house of a relative of mine the first question these
wretches asked was if " there were any marriageable
daughters?" In that house there are two.
After the battle of Baton Rouge a Federal trans
port, laden with 250 wounded, was run into, acci
dentally, by one of their own boats and sunk, carry
ing all on board to the bottom of the river. The Fe
devils pretended to believe that it was not a colli
sion, but shot from guerillas which had produced the
disaster. Landing at - the coast, they proceeded to de
vastate and destroy the property near the place.
They entered the house of Mr. a gentle
man of one of the oldest and most respected families
in the State, a brother of —, one of our
senators. Mrs. was ill—had an infant of one
day's age lying by her side. In her room was a
maid-servant in attendance upon her mistress. My
pen almost fails me. I can scarcely find language
delicate enough for the scenes that followed. They
indulged in every outrage towards the maid-servant,
regardless of Mrs. ----'s piteous entreaties to them
to spare her servant and leave her chamber. They
threatened Mrs. with insult i f she did not hold
her tongue. God, thou rawest all this! Mr.
came in, and, finding his wife thus exposed to inso
lence and out? age, his proud heart so swelled with in
dignation that the chords of life literally snapped—
his heart broke, and he fell dead upon the floor.
"Oh, Lord, bow long 7 how long?" The dreadful
effect of their barbarity quieted these devils fqr a
time, but they soon returned. The servanta had
picked up their master's body and laid it out decently.
The Federals robbed the house of silver, jewelry,
and all valuables, and then went off to their boats.
Another instance of savagery on the part of
Butler. A friend of ours, in the last stages of con
sumption, was carried from New Orleans to Fort
Jackson, in spite of the entreaties of hie poor wife
that he might be permitted to die in peace, as his
hours were numbered. The FederOr sent him off.
Of course, the fatigue and anxiety soon put out the
g . limmering lamp of life. His only crime was being a
becessionist, and the son-in-law of a former Con
federate general. Ali, well ! There will come a day
of retribution for all this.
During the Federal occupation of the portions of
Virginia between the Rappahannock river and
Washington city, large numbers of slaves, men,
women, and children, are enticed away from their
owners into the encampments of the Northern army.
When the Federal encampments were broken up,
and their armies retired, hundreds of negro children,
girls and, boys, of all ages, were left in- the woods,
totally unprotected and alone, to perish or fall a prey
to animals, and many did perish' and die: their
fathers and mothers forced away, or so neglected and
overlooked in the confusion of the retreat, as to be
disqualified or prevented from caring for their own off.
spring. The negroes who have been enabled to make
their way back to their owners report the'hardships
through which they have passed as far beyond any
thing before known to them. The credulity and
submissiveness of the negro is as much a part of his
nature as the color of his skin. Incapacity amongst
the slaves for taking good care of them is so general
that the most sedulous attention and watchfulness
on the part of their owners is necessary to keep
them healthy and decent in their appearance: As to
using them for soldiers, as the: United States Go
vernment proposes, it is simply absurd; they may
make them robbers,•thieves or assassins, but never
good soldiers. The proposal to emancipate the
slaves of the people of the Confederate States is
placing a purpose far in advance of an
event, the occurrence of which ismore than doubted,
as it can only be done after the conquest and subju
gation of the whole country, and the ability of the
Northern States to accomplish this- may well be
queationed,.as the following facta and considerations
will demonstrate:When the secession of the :Staten
or nations now constituting the Confederate States
of America began by the secession of. South Caro
lina on the 20th of December, MO, every fort and
arsenal in any of those States was held by the then
United States. The Confederates now hold Fort
Morgan, at Mobile ; Fort Sumpter and the fortifica
tions at Charleston, and the fort at Wilmington. cer
tainly three less than were held by the United-States
at the outset of the secession.
The Confederates had no army when' they organ
ized their Provisional Government at Montgomery.
They have now under arms one large enough to
have resisted—indeed, to have overthrown—that army
which Lord Palmerston told the English. Parliament
officially, in his own proper place, as being the autho
rized statement of the minister of the se-called
United States, numbered, if my memory is correct,
about seven hundred thousand men, all placed and
ready for active service. lam unable to • state the
number of the Confederate army. It has been a
part of their policy. to conceal their. numbers. The
following statistical tables will disclose their re
sources in this particular :
Proportion of population out of one million men :
Under IS years old 313,Sst;
Between IS and 35 years old 'WA'S tt t y 447
Between 35 and 45 years old
Between 4 5 and n) years old
Between 55 and lOU yea re old 1417,43
Total I 00%003
Legitimate free Confederate population by census
of 1E60:
5,602,4G02 Deduct free uerroes as is IMO. probtibly not in
.:235AVf creased materially ou account of emigration,
S,Mi,S9I :Not iuclnding Knumi which hi doubtful
4,L53,445 Deduct one lutlf for women.
4,15,g6
Say in round numbers, as women are more nume
rous, probably, 4,000,000, and for that number our
table would stand as follows
Under IS years old
Between I,S and :15 years old.
Between 55 and 45 years old..
Between 45 and 55 years old.
Between .):5 and 1(0 years old
4,orattal
Showing 1,581.188 within the age capable of:bearing
arms. The Federal newspapers represent they/lum
bers of the army.of the Confederates as 648.000 men.
The conscription in April took all between Id and
aa years old, exempting, of course, certain persons.
In Iletober a further authority was conferred-on the
i Government to extend the conscription to all be
tween 35 and 45 years old, which act has not been
resorted to for any beyond forty years old, and the
plain inference is because the men are not wanted.
There must be. deducted 'from the numbers esti
, mated above of 1,551,188, all who escaped from the
conscription. in. Maryland, . Delaware. Kentucky,
Missouri, and. elsewhere, now occupied by the
enemy. There must be added all in the army as
volunteers below 18 years and over 45.
In the outset the Confederates had no arms; they
now have, certainly a very' large number of all
kinds. Between the adjournment of Congress, in
May, 1862, and. its reassembling, the Ist August,
there were. added eif,hly thousand small arms alone;
this is official. Since that period, there is to be ad
ded. all taken in the battles between the Rapidan
and - Washington. and those surrendered at Harper's
Ferry, which was the most valuable and brilliant
occurrence of_ the war; as the fruits were eleven
thousand prisoners, seventy pieces of artillery, and
quite as many muskets aethere were men, and many
more. To these there must be added the vast num
ber whichare made inathe Confederate. States. In
this respect, there has,been developed a. capacity
which is • surprising, in: every department every
thing needed by our army • but a further addition is
to. be. made of the arms • army;
at Richmond, Ky.,
.and. at Munfordsville, besides several cargoes im
ported. from abroad. It may be satelyvatated that
there ie now-no uneasiness felts as to the sapply of
arms of all kinds. 'Whatever number of: iirms may
have-been lost by the. Confederates imbattie must
be.deducted, but that number was so small:es not to
be felt, and. cannot be ascertained. Ammunition
was-so-scarce-at one.period as to create.eotious con
cern. That has been overcome, since th.e.Secretary
of War stated toGongrees in August, that altre was
being produced.in. such:quantities as to justify the
opinion. that soon, there would be ncianaaesslty for
further importattonsof that article. Alitthe other
necessary articles for ammunition, 1311411. fie charcoal,
sulphur, lead, iron. copper, &.e., are-produced in
quantities sufficient for all purposes. Clothing is
being produced in, quantities sufficient' to meet the
necessities of t he army, although thezargoes coming
in. are.valuable assistants in this respect-. But at no
distant day every actual necessary will be made by
the people. True, .many articled are very high in
price, hut when : so sudden and extsaaive demand is
to be met by labor hitherto devoted :mother pursuits,
*afire in no way-Jo wonder at the.prises which par
ticular articles : command at certain places ,• for in
stance, heavy gray cloths for the, army. 'Yet the
pricesere not., such as to prevent, their use. The
quantity. is being increased so rapidly as to relieve
ail fears on the. score of supply. In: food and sub
sistence, nothingis further off thetas famine in the
Confederate States. Salt is now made in large
quantities at many points, and/ , •..be quantity will
soon be ample for all demands.
I come now to sefer to the finances.. In the outset
there was no revenue. Let us.. sat the facts and the
foundation walla which the credit of the Confederate
0 overrtment. reats. Their reaeltats from the com
mencement- have been more than three hundred
willful:is of dollars, by the repart of the Secretary of
the Treasury., and the entire disbursements esti
mated for un to January. 1.34.3, will be about fire
hundred millions of dollars-.leaving a debt of not.
more than that sum for all accounts. Since this_
Ellyn is to be credited by tha incomes from the war.,
tax and the customs, anilfor sales of the public prat,
perty, oflands,aSic. ' whit will more than cotintee
balance any variations..hy underestimates. Neu%
to corer.lbis debt, and ta.enahte the people to pay
. the taxes necessary ta.meet the interest and tn.h
quidate the principal,. there is in the Confedeaste
Mates certainly Aiwa ad/hens of bales of coon.
The fiso crops of tobacco must be somethleg be
ta eery fifty and one. hunched thousand hogaesids,
besides pitch, tar, aalturpentine. Taking all ,these
articles at their Rsseat values in .Litaarpool,
the quantities now i. the Confederate States
would bring more than ten hundred iailions
of dollars. Y(Xin Desiders can very soca, make
their calculatioas as to the value of a Co-leder:tie
bsiad, when they . , stmeotton at 2a. 3d. the pond. and
learn that these, re .450 to 500 pounds in aaketi bale,
and that the geople and the Government hold, cer
tainly, four „nilljeas of bales, and probaliby,fiee mil
lions. Out of; this enormous capital, ',be interest
needed to pat the public creditors is imairiore than,
eight millisans of dollars at this time, es the bonded
dcbt was tesathan one hundred milliCs Ist of Au
gust, ant, cannot reach more than tw e ihundred and
ty minions by Ist of January, iaM„ as a large part
of the debt must continue in Tawas . notes,. re
. deemableisix months after the treaay. of peace, with- .
out in/Imin/, being necessary for ttracircuMtionaf the
coualary: • you will ask - how such an army haa' been
supported for, to small a sum's. There is tint fief,
lem s - Vey of the highest praise, - allich will acaourit for
a Ineary amount. A very 1 r ye part of the 'army
*53 sent into the field alreriea; equipped, by the gene
'rs.sity of the people.
I.:Fon application at Bit office charged, with the.
exchange of . prisoners between the Confederate.
Government and the 'Called States. I was unable to
obtain exact data, but I feel justified . in theatatemant
that there havebeen gielivered froia the Confedera„tes,
snore than fifty thousand prisoners of war;and that
a clear balance upon this account exista in favor of
the Confederate States, after deducting the.pera
of,their own, which the 'United States Qevernment
her returned, of at least twenty-five thousand
tenets. The officers are numerous, mid far apart,
aLd the account: is so constantly changing, that an
estimate .only can be made of the balance ; hut I
. b..arg Seen the number -against the Got'ern.r,ent of
the 'United Staten stated as high as fgrty thOliatiad.
1,2 1 5,1.t2
LOikki:o2 ? •
.... :)15,417.6 1,r41.33
452,70 a)
47.1.12,0