XX -3? DP Ij EJ !jVE IE IfcT T -
GOVERNOR,
."GEN. nENRY M, EOYT,
OF LUZERNE.
LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,
HON. CHARLES W, STONE,
OF WARREN.
SECRETARY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS,
HON, AARON K, DUNKEL,
OF PHILADELPHIA.
JUDGE OF SUPREME COURT,
HON, JAMES P, STERRETT,
OF ALLEGHENY.
OITR CANDIDATES.
Wlro they nrc nnd llicir Public Services in
. the rust Men of Brillinnt Re
cords and Personal Worth.
Henry Marlln Hoyt, tbo liepubllcan candi
date lor Governor, was horn In Luzerne county
In 1830..: Ho entered Wyoming Seminary in
111, and wont from there to Williams College,
where he graduated In 1819. In 18.50 ho began to
loach school In Tonawanda, and after a year
was elected Professor of Mathematics In Wyo
ming Seminary. Two years later he studied
law in Chief Justice Georgo W. Woodward's
office, at Wllkesbarre. He taught school for a
time In the south, but lu 185G he took an active
part In Ilia Fremont Presidential campaign In
this State, after which he began to practice
law In Wllkesbarre. In 1861 he was active In
raising the Fifty-second regiment, Pennsylva
nia volunteers, and was commissioned as Lieu
tenant Colonel by Governor Curtln. He was In
General Negley 's brigade during the Peninsular
campaign or 1862, and early in the following
winter was sent with the rest under General W.
. W. H. Davis to co-operate with the naval at
tack on Fort Sumter. Ho participated, under
General Gllraore, in the slego operations con
ducted on Morris Island against Fort Wagner
and Fort Sumter. In the summer of 1861 a
night attack was organized by General Foster
against Fort Johnson In Charleston harbor,
where he was taken prisoner. Alter being con
f I ned at Macon, Colonel Iloyt was brought back
Willi (WO other oflicers to Charleston Jail. While
cm the way from Macon to Charleston lie
escaped from the cars with four other Union
officers. After several days and nights
of fruitless efforts for liberty, they were
recaptured by the enemy, with the aid of blood
hounds, and placed In the Charleston Jail. Upon
being exchanged, Colonel Hoyt rejoined his
regiment and remained with it until near the
close of the war. He was promoted to colonel
on January 9, 1861, and was mustered out of the
service on November 5, 1861. On March 13, 1865,
he was breveted brigadier general. During the
year 1867, under an uppolntmeut from the lute
Governor Geary, bo discharged the duties of Ad
ditional Law Judge of the Eleventh district. In
1875 and 187G, Colonel Hoyt was Chairman of the
Republican State Committee, displaying in the
successful campaigns of that yeai marked
.ability as a political leader. He was also one of
the Delegates at Large from this State to the
liepubllcan National Convention of 1870 at Cin
cinnati.' Hon. Charles W. Stone.
Charles W. Stone was born at Grotan, Mid
dlesex county, Mass. , on June 29, 1843. From
the common school be went to Lawrence Acad
emy, and from them to Williams College. He
graduated at the latter institution in 1863. Soon
after finishing bis collegiate course, he became
Principal of the Union Academy at Warren,
und continued in charge until appointed Super
intendent of the schools of Warren county In
March, 1865. In September of the same year
lie was elected Principal of the Erie Academy.
During the summer of 1868 he entered the
office of Judge Wetmore, of Warren, as a
(student at law, and In September, 1867, he
was admitted to practice in the several courts
of the county. In January, 1868, he entered
into partnership with Judge R. Brown. In tho
full of 180S he was elected to the Stato House of
Representatives from the Warren and Venango
district. In 1870 he wag re-elected without op
position. Iu 1876 ho was elected to the State
Senate for two years, carrying his district by 400
votes more than were cast for President Hayes.
He is a clear and forcible debater. In the Senate
Mr. Stouo bas shown great devotion to the peo
ple of the oil regions, and was one of the three
Senators who, on the mil lust., appealed from
tho decision of Lieutenant-Governor Latta that
the Houso oil -pipe bill could be considered, be
cause it was the same "In object, purpose and
Ititeul.aud in substauce" as a Senate bill which
had previously been considered and defeated by
the Seuif to. The appeal was defeated by a vote
of 28 to 18, and the oil-pipe business thus gets a
, .jujotus lor this session of the Legislature.
Hon. James 1. Sterrett.
lion. James P. Sterrett was born la the Tus
rarora Valley, Juniata county, Pennsylvania,
on the 7th of Novcmbor, 1822. He received his
preliminary education at the Tuscarora Acad
emy, aud entered Jefferson College in the fall of
1842, graduating from that Institution In 1815,
after which be was connected with it for one
year as principal of the Preparatory Depart
ment. Having road law at Carlisle, and com
pleted his course at the University of Virginia,
he was admitted to the bar of tbat State
In 1818. In tho spring of 1849 he began the
practice of law in Pittsburg. In 1861 he was
appointed on a commission authorised by
tho Legislature to rovise the revenue laws of
this Commonwealth. On thefourtb jf January,
1862, he was appointed President Judge of the
Court of Common Pleas of Allegheny County,
Hud In the fall of the same year was elected by
the Republican party to nil the President Judge
ship for a term of ten years. Iu 1872 be was
again unanimously nominated tor this position
by the Republican County Convention, and
was re-elected without any opposition from the
Democrats. On the 2Ctb of February, 1877, he
was appointed by Governor Hartranft to fill
the position of Associate Justice of the Supreme
Court. At the Republican State Convention
held In September last be was nominated by
acclamation for the seat be then held tempora
rily, but was defeated by Judgo Trunkey, the
Democratic candidate. In early life Judge
Sterrett was an Old Line Whig, and he bas
been an earnest Republican ever slnco the or
ganization of tbe latter party.
Aaron K. Dunkel.
Aaron K. Dunkel was born In Mauheiui town
ship, Lancaster county, May 20, 1837. He at
tended tbe common schools In Manhelm and
East Hempfleld district until the age of fifteen,
when be entered the office of the Lancasterlan.
In April, 1856, be obtained a situation as com
positor on the daily Pennsylvanlan, then edited
by Colonel John W. Forney. At the outbreak
of tbe war he enlisted as a private In Company K,
Eighteenth Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers
(State Fenclbles), for the three mouths cam
paign. At the expiration of his term of ser
vice be enlisted as a private In tbe Indepen
dent Company Zouaves d'Afrique, Captain
Coins, which was raised by order of the
War Department as General Ranks' body
guard. He was commissioned Second Lleuten
aut In Company H, nun Regiment P. V., In
August, 1862, and promoted Captain In April,
1803. Captured by tbe Confederates at Gettys
burg In J uly of u same year, be was held a
prisoner at Llbby, la Kioto.
18111
HONESTY,
The True Republican Policy
How the Credit and Faith of the Na
tion Have Been Kept.
What Republicanism has Done for the Na
tionReduced Its Debt, Cut Down
the Interest, and Lessened
Taxation One-half.
The election of the last Democratic President
that the country bad was foUowcd by the crisis
of 1857, and we had hardly begun to recover
from that heavy blow, when the rule of the
Democracy was at last overthrown, and tbe war
of the rebellion wbb begun to destroy the t which
they could not control. Tbe Republican party
came Into power with tbe revenues of tbe conn
try wasted, and the credit of the nation so poor
that It was paying a blgbcr rate of interest than
ever within the generation, and even more lhan
it was paying in the height of the war that fol
lowed. We had this war forced upon us when
our navy was scattered to the four quarters
of the globe, and material and ammunition piled
up by traitorous officials in southern forts and
arsenals in readiness for the contest which the
mad rulers of the south bad planned long before
the north awoke to the desperation of the men
who saw slipping away from them, never to re
turn, tbe power that they had held so long. We
had to begin from tbe beginning. There was an
army to raise and to equip, a navy to build aud
toman, with not a dollar In the Treasury,
hardly a gun In the arsenals, and not a ship on
the sea that was worthy of tho name. Such
was tbe condition of tbe country when tho peo
ple at last asserted themselves, and wrested tho
control of its destiny from the parly that had
been plunderlnglt and squandering its resources
for a score of years.
THE DEMOCRATIC J,EOACV.
The Republican party can Indeed challenge
tbe record, and stand or rait by the result. The
war was fought and won not without an
enormous expenditure of blood and treasure,
but still without the ruin of our Industries or
our credit. Tbe close or the war saw the
country with its manufactures fully em
ployed, agriculture comparatively neglected,
and a debt of S2 680,000,000, which was iu.
creased in the following year by tho ex
penses of the war to 82,773,000,000. There were
State debts besides amounting to 8864,785,000.
Total to the credit of Democratic rule In this
country, over a million lives lost and about
$3,000,000,000. This was tho burden that was
laid upon the Republican party, and which it
has carried ever since, although it has been
steadily lightened each year. All through Bu-
chanan's administration, with no extraordi
nary expenses, It had been steadily growing,
but under Republican management it has been
decreased every year in some years by an
amount greater than the largest total of the na
tional debt In anyone year previous to 1861, not
excepting even the heavy obligations remaining
after the war of 1812. Some facts concerning
the growth and decrease of the debt will show
how it was piled up and how it has been re
duced. On July 1, 1861, three months after
Sumter was fired upon, the debt was S90,380,
873, aud it bore five and six per cent, interest.
For temporary loans the Democratic Secretary
of the Treasury had paid as high as ten and
twelve per cent, interest. From that time on
the debt grew with frightful rapidity, for war Is
expensive, aud the government was such a cus
tomer of the people that it took all that they had
to sell, aud yet in all this time no higher rate of
interest was paid than 7 and 3-10tbs, and al
though there were 8830,000, 000 out at the close
of the war, all had been nald ntr ihren
years later. Nor did the government ever fall
to get the full valuo of its bonds. Tho
Greenbackers and the Nationals are vnrv
fond of talking about the bonds that were
bought at Ihlrty-flve and forty cents on tbe dol
lar, and there are some people who are foolish
enough to believe them. Yet a glance at the
annual reports of the New York Stock Ex
change sales will show them that the minimum
price for which any United States bond was
ever sold on the Exchange was 82, which was
the lowest quotation in 1861 ror the sixes or
1881. We repeat, instead of the bonds being
taken by the capitalists at thlrty-flve and forty
cents, there is no case recorded on any stock
exchange of any bond of the United Stales
being sold at a less price than 82 in the year
when these bonds wero first Issued, and they
sold up to 95J,'. In 1862 these bonds wero still
the only securities or the government that were
on the list, and the minimum price was 86
wuue tne maximum was 107. Never since
the very first year of the war has
there been a twelvemonth In which the
bonds or the United States did not touch
par. This Is a record unparalleled by that
or any nation iu the world. In 1863, the dark
days or tbe rebellion, these bonds reached their
lowest price at 91,",', but they sold up as high as
UOj,'. In that year tbo first five-twenties were
issued, and they never sold more than one
quarter below par until 1865, when they once
went to 'J. since then not one of tbo different
classes of United States securities has ever been
sold at public sale below par.
HOW WE ARE 1-AYINO THE DEI1T.
To this high point was the credit of the gov
ernment kept. As soon as the war was over,
and the enormous outlay on its account was
stopped, the Republican party addressed itself
vigorously to the reduction of the debt. Re
funding was a secondary operation, aud
one not to be attempted until it was
shown that the government could not
only carry the debt, but begin to pay it off.
Tbe debt, less cash on hand, was at Us greatest
amount August 31, 1865, when It reached the
vast total of 82,750,431,571 43, entailing an an
nual Interest charge of 8100,977,697 87. This was
a debt of 878 25 for every man, woman and child
In the country, and to pay the Interest on this
vast sum required an expenditure of 8129 ror
every one or the 35,228,000 people In tbe United
States. Then began the reduction or the debt
by tbe paying off of the six per oents. and tho
seven-thirties. The total was reduced the first
year 8120,000,000, and the next year 8128,
000,000. This was done by insisting upon the
most rigid economy and the thorough col
lection of the revenues, and by the sale of
old materials aud reducing the army and navy
at once to a peace footing. Iu tbe noxt two
years the cancellation was not so great.
But in 1870 the total was cut down a hundred
millions, and in 1871 and 1872 almost as much
more. Now, said the Republican party In Con
gress, the credit of tbo United States Is good
enough to warrant us in borrowing at lower
rates of interest. So the funding act was passed
in July, 1870, aud on tho 1st or December, 1871,
a hundred millions or six per cents, were paid
off and disappeared from the debt statement,
being replaced by the fives or 1881. On the 20th
or March in the year following a like amount
was retired. Thosaving in interest on the first
hundred millions has already been six aud three
quarter millions, and on the second instalment
called in, almost six-and-a-half more. Every
year since the last or the war tbe six per cents,
hod been coming in, and this operation was
hastened by tbe operations or tbe funding act,
so that the amount of this class or bonds
redeemed amounted to 8210,000,000 in 1872 alone.
Tbese changes in tbe debt continued during tbe
next three years, until the early part of 1869,
when the last or tbe fives had been placed. Up
to that time the reduction In tbe amount or six
per cents outstanding had been at the rate of a
hundred mllllonsa year, until from 81,874,347,000
in 1869 there were only less than a thousand
millions out in 1876. In the fall, after theabuu.
dant crops had been harvested and the country
bad begun to feel the Impetus given to trade,
Industry and agriculture by the Centennial Ex
hibition, designed and carried through lu the
face ol tbe most strenuous Democratlo oppo
sition, Secretary 8berman began measures for
tbe further cancellation of the debt by the
Issue of four-and-a-nalfs. which many men of
moimy ana long experience baa thought lu-
ptmot loafcb la.
ixw loan been placed
PAMCS. I
THEIR HISTORY AND THEIR CAUSES.
Soma of the Evil Effects of Democrat ic Par
tisanship as Exemplified In the Past
Shall It be Repeated?
The Pittsburg Telegraph publishes a review oj
the various financial panics which have oc
curred in our history, and after reciting briefly
the history of the United 8tats Bank np to the
year 1819, thus tells the story or the disaster tbat
befel our trade In that year:
"Fortunes were wiped out In a day, specula
tive companies, tbat stood everywhere thick as
shocks In a wheat field, vanished magically,
and shareholders were aghast; suburban lands
and city lots that were to return a hundredfold
dropped to almost worthlessness. As an ex
ample of the effect of the panic on real estate
here, an old citizen says that land on Boyd's
Hill held at 82000 an aero dropped to 8100; lots
on Fourth avenue held at 82000 fell to 8100;
properly in tbe region of Market street, on
which were good brick bouses, only partly paid
for, wero wholly abandoned, as property quite
as good could be bought ror loss than the sums
due on these. But the United States Bank, with
Its capital or 35,000,000, weathered the storm,
aud by furnishing the country again with a
stable currency or uniform value, won back pub
Ho confidence, and again compelled the Slate
banks to go Into liquidation, or to raise the
value of the notes to the standard of the na
tional banktfbtes. This, together with the
temporary settlement or the slavery agitation
by tbe compromise or 1820, and especially with
the Impetus given to home manufacturers by
tbe tariff of 1824, and tbe work of Internal im
provements, set the country upon Its feet once
mora
UNI'AnALLELD FOR VINDICTIVENE99. : ;
"It Is not In man, however, to let wellouougli
alone, above all when it stands In the way of
bis political theory. The second charter of tho
bank was to expire in 1836. When the Thirty
third Congress assembled on tho 2d of December
in that year, President Jackson saldin his mes
sage that lu the Interim his Secretary or the
Treasury had ordered tho removal or the gov
ernment deposits rrom tbe United States to the
State banks, and he gave as his principal rea
son for this that the bank had used these de
posits for partisan purposes. The parliamen
tary warfare that followed this action was un
paralleled ror vlndicttveness, and Is too long
to be narrated here, even ir germane to the sub
ject. The constitutional point Involved was
theold one that Jefferson had contended for,
viz. , the power to charter banks was a right
reserved to the States; they alone could sup
ply a constitutional paper currency." The
State rights question had come bounding
to the surface again. This authoritative
recognition of the value and usefulness of
the State banks, and the Importance attached
to them as government depositories, stimulated
their organization to an extraordinary degree.
Many were chartered to take the place ol the
United States Bank, the closing of which was
expected. The State banks Increased from 282 In
1830 to 632 in 1837. During the same period their
capital rose from 8145,000,000 to 8290,000,0k);
their circulation from 861,000,000 to 8149,ooO,OiiO;
their loans and discounts from 8200,000,000 to
8185,000,000; their deposits rrom 855,000,000 to
8127,000,000. Thus during these seven years the
banking facilities of the country bad been con
siderably more than doubled, while the Increase
In the .capital of the country was small, and
there was no manifest need of the addition of a
dollar to the currency. Tbe result of the In
crease of the currency was an unexamp.ed
delirium of extravagance and speculation,
in the midst of which came the destruc
tive collapse of 1837. Ruin reigned on
every hand; almost every business man sud
business house In the land was Involved in die
common wreck. Collections were next to Im
possible, and In some States, aH notably Mlsils
slppl, wholly so. Credit everywhere was de
stroyed. There was a general suspension of tho
bunks at the first blast of the storm In 1837. In
1838 they made a heroic endeavor, and resur.ied
payment, but the year following those of Phil
adelphia and tbe regions of tbe south and vest
again bent before tbe storm. The distress was
pitiful, and during the first two years of the
panic It was necessary to Import largo quanti
ties of food from Europe. The country tbat a
short time before abounded in what 11 called
wealth, and boasted loudly of its many re
sources, could not furuish bread to the hungry.
The failure of the banks holding the deposits of
the government left it without a penny. Con
gress was hastily summoned, and Treasury
notes were issued to keep tho department going
until tho Sheriff could sell out the share-holders
of the defunct banks and recover the de
posits. Finally the government divorced its
monetary affairs rrom those or trade and com
merce, and established the Independent Treas
ury. The disaster was so complete that one
caunot point to any exact date when the bard
times ceased. The recovery was in fact in the
gradual re-creation of the ruined industries.
THE ACTUAL BANK CIRCULATION.
"Until 1853 the volume or paper money In
creased slowly, and only according to the actual
wants or expanding trade; but at that period
specie began to gain largely on the volume of
paper, and the people, learning nothing from
the painful lessons of tbe past, enlarged the
volume of paper in proportion to the influx or
gold rrom California, until, In 1857, the circula
tion reached 8214,000,000, which was far beyoud
legitimate need, and then came the third great
commercial crisis of our history tho panic of
1857. According to Treasury statistics, the
actual bank circulation or tbat year was 8214,
778,822, aud inside of a twelvemonth it shrank
to 8155,208,344, a contraction of nearly 860,000,
000. And during the same period the total bank
loans shrank from 8684,456,000 to 8533,165,000, a
contraction or more than 8150,000,000, which or
Itself reveals the suffering or business then.
The crisis was quick aud sharp and bitterly
felt; but our rl cb soil, a fine foreign market for
our crude productions, aud the rapid develop
ment of industry under mild taxation, restored
property, and by i860 tbe paper circulation had
risen to 8207,000,000, almost as great as before
the panic. Another panic was imminent then.
and was only averted by the outbreak of the war
and the suspension of specie payment by the
bunks, December 30, 1801, when Hie government
loans, first of 859,000,000 aud then or 8150,000,
000, had been drawn by Secretary Chase.
"Several prominent facts are observed as one
glances over our commercial history. The first
of these is its popular passion for Mr nm.,ev.
No disaster has been severe enough to teach its
people the dangers of speculative wealth. The
second is tbe fact that the longest and eruellst
penou oi sunering that this countrv vr an
dured, previous to the civil war, was brought
ou uypoillicui tampering With the omrencv.
The fluauclal question was a leadlnn Kane in
the re-election of Presldeut Jackson, and be
uu uuraiy sieppeu irom his high office wheii
me pauic of 183, spread dismay in every bouse,
hold. The third fact is the marvellous recupe.
rauve powers oi uie country, as exhibited In
the signal lustauce-to take oulyone, ot tbe
aggregate wealth of the country, in spite or the
desolating panlo or 1837, increasing twice as
much during the ten years from 1840 to l0 as it
did during the ten years from 1850 to 186a "
KEPUBLICANISM.
Au Uuliuishcd Mission While the Present
Condition of Affairs Exists.
The assertion that the Republican party has
fulfilled its mission presupposes that it was
limited to destroying slavery and maintaining
the Union. These were merely the obstacles It
had to encounter and tbe duties it was called to
discharge, lu order to enable tbe Union to live
and grow and expand according to Its vast ca
pad lies. Its real work began where this Intro.
ductory effort terminated. The south jas still
to be restrained from Interfering with lie freed
people. The power which biougM pea f out of
war and freedom from slavery must fow de
fend botn peace ana freedom until fiey are
finally established. Tbe Industries of lie coun
try must be maintained at suob a pitch and so
forwarded that they can bear tbe remaining
ouraen or debt and grow In variety land vol
"'i nmfrrlii1 Trirrpr., JfiUe-WM
NATIONALISM,
Its Significance in Politics,
Something of What We May Expect
. Should It Succeed to Power.
A Party that Counsels Its Members to
Make Themselves Proflolent In
the Use of Firearms-Will
You Aid It?
As tho National-Greenback and Democratlo
parties are running lashed to all Intents and
purposes, the subjoined extracts from docu
ments circulated in the west by the first-named
party must have a very important significance
to the friends of law and order.
From the tract entitled "Meat for Men,"
Issued by Pomeroy, Chairman of the National
Committee for organizing Greenback clubs,
page 9:
"Let Congress, so soon as we, the people, can
be beard in that heretofore Infamously corrupt
body of plunderers, declare that In order to save
tbe American Republic, the bond must be
burned, and destroyed even as slavery was
destroyed. That It must be called in and retired
in ashes, even as the greenback money has
been taken in. Tbat the bondholder shall have
greenback, legal-tender, lawful money of the
United Slates for every claim he holds against
the United States. If be refuses this, then let
him howl ir he wishes to. Let him rave, and
his financial damnation rest on his own dis
honest head. We will have ;no bonds or any
kind issued by tbe government.
' 'If tlils government of ours will not protect
us, the tax-paying people, then we owe it no
allegiance. If it will not do this, it is a bad, an
infamous government, after all tbe people have
done for it, aud we had better unite the west
and the south, secede rrom a Union that bene
fits only eastern bondholders, and let their
dupes in northeastern States go Into slavery to
the Illegitimate brat of Republican borning and
Democratic adoption. So it Is, eastern masters
aud money-hoarders, that we sight the guu
directly at your black hearts. Too long have
your political tricksters in both parties held the
hot iron or bankruptcy to our backs. Too long
have you, by aid or knaves and hirelings, bold
us In tbe morass or poverty and the slough of
despond. You can give us back the full sliver
dollar the greenback dollar as a munition of
peace and a part of the government, or in 1880
never rises a sun on the Republic as 11 now
standB. You have lied to tbe people. You,
August Belmont, Jay Cooke, John Sherman,
Samuel J. Tildcn, and all of the plundering
bullion-baggers. You have torn down tbe
Constitution till It bangs only by one nail.
You have ignored the rights or the people. You
have turned the misfortunes of a war you pro
longed to your great advantage and the people's
disaster, and you deserve to have your banks
broken open, your houses plundered, your
spoons and furniture stolen, your ill-gotten
gains wrested from you, your possessions con
fiscated, and your northeastern States held as
appendages to a united west and south, hand-ln-band
co-operating as the New America.
Give us back the money of our fathers. Give
us back the greenback money you have stolen
and burned. Give us, tbo people, the property
that belongs to us who live by labor, or you
shall bo shorn of your power, despoiled of your
possessions, and left in the desolation you Kan
tor tnose you nave so long planned to hold as
slaves.
CLEANING THEM OUT OF HOMES.
"Young men of the west and south, we can
clean all of those eastern pirates out of homes
and the property tiiey have stolen. We can
unite and whip them to reason and to a compre
hension or the right. We can leave the coun
try northeast or tho Allegheny mountains to
pay the national debt. We can unite and make
the southwest the garden or tbe world. Wo can
open the Mississippi river and float our billions
or produce down its waters to market. We can
send our surplus products to foreign countries
by way of southern cities. With the proceeds
weean line the west and south with new rail
roads, open new mines, and make the east a
hov.ilng wilderness, In which will roam the
ghosts of tbe witch-burners and of those Puri
tans who made fortunes In supplylug tbe south
with slaves stolen from the coast, of Africa.
We can do all this, and you will take this for
your repast in the near future if you do not
burn your Ill-gotten bonds and let tho people
live. Organize Greenback Clubs with bayo
nets in reserve. "
From page 14, same tract:
"Citizens have been robbed of their equality.
Land has been robbed of Us value. Labor has
been robbed or its life. Life bas been robbed of its
reward. Every boudbolder Is a robber whose
knife is an infamous law that was made to en
rich a few at the expense of the many. Every
national banker is a robbor of the people In bis
monopoly to take, from them double Interest on
the bills he puts out, not one of which are re
deemable lu gold or silver. Silver has been
robbed ot its power to pay debts, and as a result
of your loug-contluued robberies you have had
Just one little sip or tbe bell-broth you have
been brewing this sixteen years ror your dishon
est selves. "
From "Hot Drops, " No. 2, page 3:
"Now we waru you, you cowardly, sneak
ing, dishonest, treucheroue,. false-hearted, avari
cious, mercenary hirelings or an eastern money
power, that we, the people or the western and
southern States, Including Pennsylvania and
all or New York west rrom the mouth or the
Hudson river, do intend to take possession or
the govornmeut of tho United States, hurl you
aud your bondliuldliig element rrom power, and
create for you euough legal-tender greenback
money to relieve the general government from
its embarrassments.
REPUDIATION OK EVKKY HOHD.
"Wemeau tbat the debt of the United States
shall be paid in greenbacks; and right here we
Inform you rrom the western prairies, tbat, so
sure as God lives, if this question is not settled
by 1880; ir tho law then does not declare that the
bonds shall be paid In greenbacks exactly as the
soldiers or tbe Uulted States were paid in green
back money, we shall never again ask for such
an issue of money, but will, rrom that hour,
strike for the repudiation of every bonded obli
gation of tbe government, and thus wipe out
rrom existence every United States. bond, and
their holders shall have nothing, put this in
your pipe and make the most or It! lurs is an
absolute government, ft is a government or
the people, and by the eternal It shall be a gov
eminent ror the people, or It shall be smashed
Into so many fragments that each separate State
will, iu comparison, be a complete world.
From "Hot Drops, No. 4, page 7:
"If the government will not do this thine.
then we, the people, In defence ol our lives, our
liberties, our homes, our families, and all tbat
tbe future holds out to us as a promise through
the work of the founders of the Republio, must
overthrow this government, repudiate all its
unconstitutional contracts, wipe out the in
debtedness of the United States, and commence
anew. Therefore we say to those who adminis
ter tbe laws pay tbe the bondholders to the
uttermost farthing; in greenbacks, full legal
tender money, aud ever after hold It at par
wim goia, or any otuer material of which
money is made. Do Ithls,. or rwe, the people.
will be compelled, in self-defence, to repudiate
you wuo are in congress and the Presidential
cbair only as our servants to repudiate you
and your unconstitutional promise to teach
you who are our servants, aud you who are our
plunderers, a lesson that will last every one of
you tor all time to come. "
From "Hot Drops" No. 8, page 18:
"Now, the government bas tbe absolute
power to create money of metal or paper and to
declare It lawful money, as It did create and did
declare the greenback paper money to be.
Therefore tbe government bas no need to hire or
borrow even one dollar; therefore it bas no
need to pay Interest for the use of that lawful
money It has tbe absolute; right to create.
This is the great principle we contend for, that
ours may be a perfect government. "
From "Hot Drops' No. 6.
STRAY SHOT.
TIIE SIC IRlMlsn ERS Of ARGUMENT.
Great Facts In Little Snac-No Grains of
Allowance ivr Ihn.o Who Wonld
Destroy the Country.
Was it the Ohio idea, after all?
It seems
not.
The Ohio "idee" is now 5,000 Republican
majority.
There seems to be a panic among tho Dem
ocratic President-makers.
The Graphic expresses the opinion that Sam
Tilden will become a nun. None like him now.
Marble- suggests tombstones. Perhaps he
will get a place at the head of Democracy, after
all.
The silent agony of the Democratic editor
is the most moving spectacle of this stormy
epoch.
A party must have convictions to win confi
dence. The man who has no political faith Is a
thing of putty.
It was a favorite remark of the late Samuel
J. Tilden, reformer, who died of too much
cipher, to say "I'll see you later. "
It would add fresh laurels to his brow if
Edison would Invent a Democratlo platform
upon which that whole party could stand.
Democrats are consoling the Greenbackers
with the idea that though they may not carry
Pennsylvania this year, they will do so In 1880.
There Is at least one crumb of comfort for
Senator Thurman, now that ho is laid away in
his little bed. He made It soft aud be will He
easy.
The only fixed principle tho Democratic
party has Is its unwavering advocacy of rorelgn
pauper labor against American Industry and
enterprise.
Tho Tribune says the cipher dispatches
which have been published compared with
those tbat are to come are as a penny-whistle to
a fog-horn.
Fernando Wood is financially embarrassed;
he 18 bad off politically, too, and is truly in
condition to sympathize with the great Demo
cratic party.
The music of the Greenback song appears in
tbe Graphic Every noto is marked on the back,
"This is a million dollars, " but the song doesn't
seem to sing well for all that.
The fiat men in Ohio lost a grand oppor
tunity to put their principles in practice. They
should have got together a few votes early, and
declared "this is a majority. "
An exchange says the crop of hay and oats
is so large In Maine tbat it is cheaper to be a
Jackass than a mun. The greenback crazedown
there was then really a question of cheapness.
Thurman is satisfied that he was cheated
when be traded with Pendleton a seat In tbe
Senate for Presidential chances. He would
like to have "Gentleman George" take the rag.
baby back, at all events.
A Cincinnati paper says you can't make a
diphtheria patient drunk. It Is evident that
Democratlo politicians don't have tbe diph
theria, and It Is gratifying to know tbero Is one
disease they haven't got.
The Greenbackers have proved themselves
better talkers than tbey are voters, as shown
by tbe result of the elections in tbe west; but
tbey are altogether too strong to be made light
of by tbo friends of honest money.
Candidate Dimmick, of the Fifteenth Con
gressional district, must feel lonesome. Nearly
all the Democratic papers refuse to support
him. He is realizing how much easier it is to
humbug a convention than the public,
The Democratic papers have forgotten all
about the fact tbat there was an election in
Maine. That Greenback party that fought to
bravely in Soptember forgot the better part or
valor, and did not live to fight another day.
The rrfortality among Democratic states
men tills yea? Is positively frightful. Mr. Til
den dies of too much cipher, Mr. Thurman of
too much "Ohio Idea," Mr. Hendricks of too
much CoraniuDlsm, and all the Massachusetts
Democrats of too much Butler.
Senator Wallace began a speech the other
day in this way: "There is something the mat
ter. What is It?" Iu Ohio it seems to be a
great slaughter of windmills; In Pennsylvania
11 seems to be that tbe peoplo begin to wake
up and realize the danger that threatens.
The Brooklyn Eagle cannot discover why
John Kelly should hate Mr. Tilden, whose only
crime consists in bis having been elected Presi
dent or the United States. We rejoice at the
remark. It shows that Mr. Tilden Is charged
with one crime of wblcb he roally Isn't guilty. .
The Republican party believes in the en
forcement of law and the punishment or crime
that what a man honestly earns or becomes
possessed or he shall be protected In enjoying.
Democracy Is the party or lawlessness, riotous
demonstrations, repudiation; Grccnbacklsm is
its side show ol financial Jugglery.
Senator Hendricks has done well, but he
is wishing Just now tbat he had drawn it a trifle
stiffer on the currency questlou. Mr. Hondricks
can read the mystic writing on tbe wall just as
well as any man lu politics, aud it says that in
1880 one of the signs out before both camps will
be, "No Greenbackers or Inflationists need ap
ply."
A desperate effort is making by the Demo
cratic journals of tbe oil regions to get some
credit out or the passage or the Pipe-line bill,
Tbe record of the Senate shows tbat ten Repub
licans and an equal number of Democrats
voted for the bill, but the record Is by no moans
a favorite source of authority lor Democratic
editors. They prefer to draw on their lmagl
nation for facts.
I he Republican par proposes that the
dollar for wblcb the mechanlo and laboring
man works snail oe the best dollar in the world.
uemucracy uuu ureenDacBisro declare that 11
snau do a piece or paper tbe value of which
snau change as often as tbe moon does, if not
as oiten as the tides or the ocean rise and nil
subject to the caprice of gamblers and specula.
tors.
Rai.aln..n Cl . . ... m . .
"""-""j Biaujs. aim states cor
rectly, tbat one-fourth of the national debt has
oeen liquidated In thirteen years, or since the
summer or 1863. At the same rate of payment
uie enure aeot would be paid in 1917; but as
me resources oi me country are sure to in.
crease, we have no doubt of tbe debt belnir ex.
tlnguished about Ihe year 190X, when the thirty
jran iuur-per-cenis. will rail due.
Colonel Victor E. Piollett, State Master of
tne Pennsylvania Grangers, can take bis place
by the aide of Rise-up William Allen, of Ohio.
The latter declared that resumption of specie
payments was "d- barren Ideality." Mr.
Piollett goes him one better, and says that the
assertion that paper bas no Intrlnsio valne Is
"the fallacy of the age." He regards It more
valuable than silver or gold, because nails and
car-wheels are made of it, and housei built of
iu
Whatever progress in industrial strength the
Republic bag made In the last seventeen years
THE TARIFF, 1,
Its Value to Pennsylvani;
How the Democrats Have Assailed
at Every Opportunity.
What the Republican Party Has Done frl
Proteotlon In the Interest of
the Country and Its
Citizens.
In the early stages of the Republic all classe
all sections, and all parties were earnestly r
a protective tariff on foreign Imports, for the pin
pose or encouraging and fostering the establish
mentand permanent maintenance of domest
production. This was inherent In the spirit
the revolution, which was as much Incited b
the despotic repression of the colonial indu
tries, In order to give the permanent control t
the American markets to British manufacture!
as by any other cause. Among the first fruit
or the protective policy was tbe American cot
ton crop, which was fairly protected into ex
istence. But as in the lapse of time the Rcpul
lie became populous and nourishing, and tl
amazing spread or cotton culture made It tli
basis or tbo formidable political power whic
subsequently assumed the namo of the Demo
cralto party, a combination of the strong for
elgn commercial element at New York with tl
southern agricultural force was formed, tbe in
terest or which lay In opposing the protectioi
or domestic manufactures and favoring a lov
tariff on foreign goods, on the ground of fur
nishing the farmers and planters with chca
merchandise for consumption,
This southern school or politics was founde
by John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, an
although it was courageously opposed by Presl
dent Jackson, yet under the auspices of Presl
dent Vau Buren the whole Democratic part
gradually fell Into the arrangement. Tberea
son of this was that in New York, which wa
the northern centre of the Democratic party
the predominant influence was the foreign im
port trade. When this became fairly establishei
aud recognized, foreign capital and conimerci
centralized almost irresistibly in N8w ynr).
city, and armed with ample money supplies foi
political work from those sources, tbe Demo
cratic leaders of New York and the south lon
managed the whole national policy to suit tli
views of the agricultural Interests of the soul I
on the one hand and of foreign commerce on th
other. To counteract this combination, th
friends of protection sought to build up manu
laoiures in sucn parts oi uie south as were no!
adapted to tbe planting interests, and those
movements were represented by Whig states
men or the south, like Clay, Clayton, Bell
Mangam, Crittenden, etc. , while In tbo New
England and Middle States manufactures grew
and strengthened In consequence of the enor
mous influx of foreign labor.
THE TARIFF A NATIONAL QUKSTIOX
It was not until the great Presidential ca
paignof 1840 that the tariff was fairly madon
national test question. The defeat of Vim
Buren led to the passage of the Protective Tanf
of 1842, under which all branches of productive
Industry took an Immense start, and made suel
progress that the plantation oligarchy of tlu
south saw the dawn of their policy and powei
unless a reaction could be effected. Upon tin
plain and open issue of Free Trado this could
not be done, and therefore it was not attempted
But by tbe shrewd devise of the annexation oi
Texas a popular cry was raised on which the
Democrats again obtained tbe control of the
Administration and Congress. Tbe immediate
result was the passage of the low tarifl'of lsic
aud the war with Mexico. Under this ruinous
tariff tbe progress made under the Protect
Tariff was mostly lost.
When, during Jackson's administration,
South Carolina undertook to nullify tho pro
tective duties, a Compromise Tariff was on
acted. But when the tariff of 1842 was passed.
strongly protective as It was, no resistance wns"
offered or threatened. Public sentlraeut bad
advanced. Statesmanship resorted to strategy
instead ofjmenace. Extending tbo area of the
Republio was but a device to euable the cotton
power to recover central and enact a low tariff.
Accordingly the Tariff of 1840 was passed by
the casting vote of Vice President Dallas and
lgned by President Polk, both or whom, while
candidates ror those offices, were heralded as
friends or the existing Tariff of 1842. So trans
parent was this trick that even the war lever
did not prevent tho decisive defeat or the Demo
cratlo ticket at the Presidential election of 181.
During the subsequent Democratlo nomina
tions of Presidents Pierce and Buchanan free
trade bad full swing because there was uo politi
cal element strong enough to make headway
against the' Democratlo party. This was caused
by the fact tbat tbe concentration of foreign
capital and commerce at New York had become
enormous, and was wholly on the Democratic
side, while at the south the plantation oligarchy
naa completely crushed the Whig element and
made the south a Democratic unit. Slavery at
me south and foreign capital at New York were
the bases upon which the formidable streagtli of
tbe Democratic party was built up. Intbeti
lure of things such a party could nolbe expect
to ravor tbe growtb or domestic industry, and
never did. From catering ,to an agricultur
population at the south, It passed naturally t
efforts to make the farmers of the north and
west believe their interests hostile to protection.
But no sooner did the Republican party obtain
tne power to enact a protective tariff than it did
6o, and has. firmly maintained that policy ever
since. No sooner, however, had the war ended,
aud with It the vast demand for money, than
me Democratlo leaders renewed their attacks
upon tbe protective tariff, mainly under the in
fluence of the foreign oapltal centralized In New
York. Every successive Conerresa since the
war has been agitated by Democratlo efforts to
modify or repeal the protective duties.
CONTROLLING Til IS SOLID SOUTH.
These did not gather much force until the
confederates recovered control of Uie solid
south, aud since that time the efforts at free
trade have been open, undisguised, and des
perate. In the last eighteen years Republican A
iuuujr ua. eicuwxi niupenaous laDrio or do
mes tic Industry all over the north and west, and
In many parts of the south. The western in
dustries have risen to colossal proportions as
U by magic Yet, In the only two Democratic
Congresses we have had siuce I860, the most
laborious efforts have been made to destroy the
protective system, and to enact tariff schedules
for tbe discouragement of native manufactures
and favoring the competing foreien eoods.
When Mr. Kerr (Democrat) was elocted Speaker
or tbe House or Representatives, he appointed a
committee or ways and Means with a decided
free-trade majority, which soent Us entire
lime In vain endeavors to mature and pass a
free-trade tariff. Mr. Randall (Democrat), the
preseut Speaker, appointed a similar commit
tee, headed by Fernaudo Wood, an ultra free.
iriuia Democrat. That committee made the
most outrageous tariff ror the oppression of
American Industrie! ever yet attempted. It
was ao intensely rorelgn that even the free-
trade organs opposed it as stupid aud foolish.
'lb.0 argument presented by tbe broad com
mon sense or Andrew Jackson, that by diversi
fying me employments or tbe people, the mar
kets for agricultural product would be lm
proved, has gradually become tbe accepted doc
trine for northern and western farmers, all oi
wuom ravor manuiaoturea for that reason. Bu
It Is everywhere met by the Democrat with all
tbe old free-trade sophistries used with so muoL
effect in the auw-war times, and on which the
ciass prejudloe or the farmers were then baaed.
Tbe northern and western farms.. ima...
know tholr own interests now much better than
they did in those times. And tbey have aeen
under Republican, auspices tbe exportation of
northern raw products attain proportions never
dreamed of by the statesmen of the free-trade
school.
ADVANTAGES TO OUB INDUSTRIAL POPU
LATION.
Under the old Democratlo polloy, all the raw
products of the Republio shipped abroad were
am mr in rorelgn merchandise. Now th.