Tiusitl are contracted ani not extended by the over multiplyingthefe institutions. Is the incre&fe of banks-likely to be ufeful to the trade and circulation of the country ? ' Many are eitabliflfcied—more are expethe precious metals, is more ufeful than an iucreafe of* their quantity. A good bank is so much confided in, that it may lafely circulate its notes to the ainouut of two or three times its capital. One great and principal resource for this fafe ty and credit is, that all the money in a place will be lodged in its vaults for fafe keeping—You have then all the credit and all the advantage of credit which there can be. Divide that spe cie however between several banks, what follows ! It ieems to be underltood that two banks will be found as goodragain as one. Ihe reverie perhaps is true. A new bauk produces no new deposits of specie. . 1 here is not a dollar more money added to the circulation. A new bank divides the de posits of specie, and of course diminishes the ad vantages of ci edit. For it is manifeft that two banks with finaJl capitals, will do less than one bank with both capitals. The common demand for specie may be such as to drain the small ca pital to the lalt dollar, and in the critical events which the changes of trade and politics are cun itantly producing, such a small hank certainly will be shut up, unlets it contracts its dealings within fiich limits as to be lafe. Two banks in one town will do this for fafety, and their mutu al fears will narrow the circulation within what one bank could support. Suppose for illuftrati -011, a single bank in a town where three hundred thousand dollars is the amount of the ordinary specie deposit. The bank with a capital of as much more, is exposed to the least hazard in its dealings that the nature of things will permit. It is altogether improbable that the whole specie be called for at once. And this improbabi liiy gives to the bank paper its utmofl circulati on. The place has the whole advantage of its ci edit as. well as money. Let us fee whether by e.lablifhing three banks instead of one, the town has more than the whole—Let each bank have three, hundred thousand dollars capital Here then is three times the former capital, and each bank has but one third part of the deposits If each bank goes on lending its bills, the circula tion will be over-done three fold—of course the bills will be returned, and each bank confined to the limits of its part of the circulation. As it will have only a third of the deposits, it will be obliged in prudence to confine itfelf still more. Tho one bank might not be exposed to any great risk of having the whole specie taken off, each of the three banks will be exposed to it every day • and can guard against it only by contracting its dealings in proportion to the risk. It may hap pen any day that 100,000 dollars specie, the a mount of deposit in each bank, lhall be demand ed ; but it would be strange that 300,,000 should be. The rifle is not divided between the three, tho the profit is. Each runs the whole risk, and i aS /- J ° ne , third . only of the Source against it. Beiides the ordinary banking risks, each inftitu non is in danger from the others—and this arti ficial danger is perhaps equal to all the others. Numerous independent banks are besides unfit for extensive circulation, and as they occupy the local circulation they neither give accommoda tion forgreat distances nor permit ittobe given. It may be said truly that two banks will „ff er double the amount of loans, and that this facili ty will induce many more persons to borrow If however the notes when lent out cannot be Kept out cii culating, they will be returned to the *1! This will defeat the views of the bank, by depriving it of the profit arifine from the use of its credit as a capital. If an e> . tra sum, that is double the amount of the notes which one bank with the whole specie of the place would chose to circulate, fliould be thrown on the public, and kept circulating in consequence ai,tlilio,lal b a«k, the nn (chief la!l the community. Doubling the- a mount of the circulating medium, will inevitabl v depreciate the value of money. Debts will h paid with less value. * " be rile specie in the country, with rhp n-m. e the baukof die United States, will probably be found fuflic.ent for every-purpofe of trade and e.rculation Adding what the bank, already efta bhflied will circulate, it cannot be believer/ha theie is any necessity for new banks. They c in e ° lller than pernicious. They will f t ' perty afloat, and bring us in danger of f h f.f.on and distress a, '/f,,! " h The following Petition is no-ui biftrs Congress To the honorable the Senate and Hpufe of Re pefematives of the United States of America, in Congress affenibled. r T < H£ officers of the Maflachufetts line of the American army, in behaif of ihemi'elves, and the foldieis of the laid line, who were en gaged to serve during the late war, beg leave re fpec r tfully to represent, That in consequence of; the refolmion of Con gress, recommending to the several Hates to pro vide payment for the troops railed in them re fpeitively for ihcir services, until the expiration of the year 1780, they received prornifibry notes fiom the (late of Maflachufetts for the arrears of pay due to them within thac period. And al though the time has expired in which the prin cipal of the said notes became due, they have re ceived but an ineonfiderable part either of prin cipal or inierelt, five years ofintereft being now due 011 a certain description of them. from the commencement of January, 1781, to I the termination of the war, their accounts were | fettled by a counnifljoner appointed from Con giefs. This commiflioner ifl'ued certificates as certaining the balances duetothem refpeiftively, and declaratory of an interest of fix per centum to be annually paid thereon. Had it been poflible for them to have received an attual payment at this important moment, when they were to re-enter life, under the dif • advantage of having the habits of their former occupations impaired by their military pursuits, then property and connections deranged and loft, their families involved for a neceflary fup poit, it would have proved more advantageous to them than any subsequent relief, perhaps in the power of government to afford them. Jn ftead of this, they retired patiently from the field, pofleffing only the evidences of their claims, to contend with all the evils incident to their si tuation ; in a confidence, strengthened Jby the afiurance of their beloved General, that the time would come when they ihould " receive ample and complete justice." From the imbecility of the Confederation no funds have been eflablifhed to support the credit of their certificates 3 and they have been left to take their value from public opinion : The army have consequently realized no more from these evidences of their demands than the value so (tamped on them by the public voice. Under the government of the United States they engaged in the service of America, the re cords of this government contain the evidence that they have served with faithfulnefs. And as the people of America are now happy in a con stitution, formed with a design, and endowed with the powers, to " eftabjift justice," the prayer and the objecft of this petition is, that Congress will be pleased to consider the nature and degree of compensation which your petiti oners have received from their state and from tl, eU n ion, a,K * la^e uch orc ler thereon as your wisdom shall direct that the contract between the country and the army may be faithfully and honorably performed. And as in duty bound J,hall ever pray. ( C °Py-) B. LINCOLN, CONGRESS. PHILADELPHIA HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TUESDAY, February 7. Ln committee of the whole, on the Fi/hery Bill. M [continued.! r M E n,an in this House is '"ore of the if 3 " /c P toencou > age thefifheries of the United States than I am : nor can any one mo e fincerelywijh to encourage the bold, active and enterprizing adventurers in that branch ot our commerce to persevere in it, than I do : be ng sensible of the importance of their traffic in peace, and of their defence of their country,and annoyance of their enemies in wa r but, s"r much doubt whether Congress can <;i ve that en couragement to tlie.fifoeries to whTch they are entuied, and which policy would lead the gene al government to give, were it not reltrided by the constitution. * I consider Sir, the constitution as intended to remedy the defeats of the confederation to a cer deuer df' ee ' 2 **'' °" ly ' 35 Would l«ure the in rated ft.tr" ai, . d .S e " e « I welfare of the confede !j • w,t iolu endangering (he fovereiVn ty and independence of the individual ilate^l deh glC ?'i lh^ re f ore ' was authorised to pay the debts of the Union, and to regulate com merce Proper and'd 3 ' PU ' P ° fC and pa ' tly to, » ,reve im proper and dangerous commercial combinations, 362 . jeaJoufies and altercations betwe»n but Congress was not e„rr U fted.with'Sj Am 5 non of exports which could admit of ™ ' fition which might be didWd fc* " ?!^ 0 ' "° r M h S Conßrel ® P ern 'iited to lay arty COllld by any poflibility operate n ' h,ch Aates in genefa,. It & drawback be not allowed on the fairr a* , a ing fifh, there will be in fact a silK portion "■ ports of each slate against the pnfifbjlitv f iial rei?riiftion by . .....feW,I,„ Con-grrfs the exportation of rice, indigo, tobacco &? any other artkle € xported frL any slate! btcaufe this might be done to the injury ofthefta'te who iUch duty would operate, aVto tje and aggrand.fcme.u of some particular-ftati S competitors more favored by the -eneral •»«, ment, or poflefling more n,fl, l ence"in the debates ofCongrefs : and that the states are alf„ ;,T v Jnally retrained from laying fnch duties with' out the consent ofCongrefs, to prevent might producejealoufi.es, commercial combina2 thlr rhi Pft T' at ' en S th ' civil ;1' that this reft net ion, ,f ,t be intended to prevent partiality, therefore cannot extend to autborifc diawbacks, which may be productive qf partial X??r\"l A u thcir confct l uci »: jealousies ; that if drawbacks be granted at all, they omjht to be universally extended to every article which is or can be exported from any of the states, hav ing in its compofuion a dutiable ingredient ■ that hence fliip?, and other veftfels, 4c. (hould hav e drawbacks on the fails, cordage, iron, fre.Antit inay also be said, that as to the duty on fait that is amply repaid to the merchant by the price an nexed to his fifh ; the sums laid 6ut in fait and tifh together, form a capital on which he takes care to have a fufficieut profit. Thofejnerchant» employed in this traffic, if allowed a drawback would have a preference toother merchants,who' import largely, pay heavy duties, and have B0 other advantage than the usual advanct on their goods. The exporter of any article, with adraw back, most have an advantage over bis fallow-ci tizens who purehafe thro' necessity many dutiable article*, and are obliged to confuina> them with out any other benefit than the use of them. 1 mention this, because it has been said (by Mv. Ames) that having made the men of Marblehead pay for fait, they have a right to demand themo ney expended in that fait, on the exportation of their fifh : for it would be as reasonable for the man who had eat his fifh, on which his fait was expended, or who had used any other article for which he had paid a duty, to claim of Congress a return of his money expended therein, as the exporter of fifh ; the only differnce js, that if both were paid the exact sum so expended by them, the exporter of fifh would get twice paid ; the purchaser or consumer of his fifh would pay him for his fait therein, as if it were substantial fifli, and the slate for it as mere fait : here then is a field for partiality,difeontentand complaints, which the constitution wifely guards against. It canuot, therefore, be to any purpose to tell us that a bounty, or allowance as it is now called, is preferable to a drawback, as there is not so great room for fraud in the one as the other : nor can it be of importance to fliew that the filh ermen have not the profit to which they are en titled ; that their services in the last wardeferve rewards, &c. their country fiiared with them the glory of their gallant behaviour ; butthey alone received the rewards they aimed at—the J2OO /hips they took was a conipenfation for services, and a reward for those exploits. It is true they annoyed the enemy ; it is certain their prizes fowetimes fed, armed and cloathed our irmies ; but it is not said that they did not receive pay ment for l'urnifliing those things. But here we are a/ked, is it not of great conA. quence to the United States, to employ those bold, flcilful feainen in our service, that we may enjoy the commercial ad vantage theygive us in peace, and their powerful assistance in war ?—To this I reply, that it ought firft to be proved that Con gress has the power and authority to give the-n the encouragement demanded ; andeveni"° n greis have that power, it ought to be (hewn that it can be extended to the benefit ot the failo^ so some of the states, and not to those of every state. It may be said that Congress may with as muc propriety give bounties to our hunters in t vveftern country, to raise up a nursery of fol" er as a barrier against the Indians, and to pionio.e the fur trade, as to give drawbacks and bountif to the fifhermen of the eastern states with to encourage fillieries, and to raise a n ,!r el 7 0 feainen for their defence against enen'ies v'lo m J invade our eastern frontiers. Indeed, it e e be the object in view, we might as well 2 ne 0 , ties to sturdy landsmen, to be ill readings a conftauc training for war. Indeed, Sir, 1 confefs I am not altogetliei vinced, that if Congress have this power, 110 to be thus exerted ; because it is note eai that thole liilieiuien would not be more pi 0 /