From the Pouchkeepsii (Stateol New-York) Journal
Mr. POWER,
I Jtni you a copy of a letter I have lately received from one of my cor
refbondrnts abroad— Ijyouwill give it a place in yonr paper, you
aill oblige A Coftomer.
" Dear SI R,
" T HAVE just now received vour's of the 10th irftant. I
X thank, you for your remarks on the work you have lately
read. It appears to answer in your mind the recommendations
I gave of it in a former letter. Nothing gives me more pleasure
in my time of life, than to he imparting the little fruits of my
knowledge and experience to the generation that is coming after
mc, Tho' I have but a few moments leifurc, I shall endeavor, tho'
imperfectly, to comply with your requcft, and K iveyou mv thoughts
on the writings of Mr. Adams, the Vice- President, on which you
tell me vou are about to enter.
As you arc on a course of political studies, which I hope may
hereafter render you a wife, a ufefui, and above all, an honest pa
triot, I would have you always bear it in mind, that you cannot
imbibe too deep an acquaintance, nor cultivate too an at
tachment to the general and local constitutions of the United
States.
The Federalijl, tho' written in haste, and on the spur of the oc
afion, is, as I have observed to vou before, one of the best pub
lications on the former. It is full of correfl method, found sense,
•and luminous principles of liberty from beginning to end ; and I
•have no doubt but the commentary will be coeval in point of time
•with the text. But the writings of Mr. Adams, mull be read
with forte grains of allowance. There is a great deal of learning,
and a great number of ufeful and wife principles of government
brought into view ; but it appears to me that he is attached to
ariftocratical and monarchical principles. My belief is founded
on an attentive examination of his writings. This great malter
of politics is frequently, and pretty direflly, inculcating a scep
ticism as to the goodness of republican governments, and a be
lief of the utility of hereditary monarchy, in terms which cannot
but excite in the breast of those who are attached to the one, and
who despise the other, a painful regret, and a lively indignatmn.
I wish to make a firm stand agair.ft such pernicious tenets. They
are a'sdirefily in the face of our institutions and manneis, as they
are repugnant to our feelings and happiness. Betides, it is against
moral fitnefs, no less than political duty, lo be conftar.tly infu
fing distrust and diffidence asto the constitution of our country. —
An unshaken confidence, 'a reverential attachment to our esta
blished f>Hems, ought rather to be the leflon of the schools.
In vol. 1. letter 20, of his Defence of the American Conjlitutions,
he observes, " The Americans have not made their firft magis
trate hereditary, nor their senators : here they differ from the
Englilh constitution, and with great propriety : Land is so equal
ly divided among the people, that they would not endure an he
reditary King and Nobility ;or at lead, if created, they would
be entirely subservient to the Commons, in whom nineteen twen
tieths of the property would refide.—ln future ages, if the States
become great nations, rich, powerful, and luxurious, their own
feelings and good sense will dictate to them what to do ; they
Trray make transitions to a nearer refemblancc of the British con
stitution, by a frefh convention, without the smallest interrup
tion to liberty. But they will never become neceflary until great
quantities of property get into few hands."
Here Mr. Adams speaks of hereditary monarchy and aristocra
cy as not advifeable in this country as yet—we are not quite ripe
for them, because of the too great equality of property. Here
after the natural progress of things will render them neccffary,
and they may exist without the fmalleji interruption to liberty.
If this change should be thought proper, Mr. Adams informs
us, we have an Aristocracy already formed for our purpose, by
the kind hand of nature. —In letter 25 of the fame vol. he ob
serves, " There are sources of inequality in every society, and in
MafTachufets as well as in others.—l. Inequality of Wealth. 2.
Of birth. 3. of merits. And, 4. All these advantages of birth,
fortune, and fame united. These sources of inequality can never
be altered by any people, because they arc founded in the consti
tution ot nature. This natural ariflocracy among mankind, is a
body of men which contains the greatest colle&ion of virtues and
abilities in a free government."
Fame and fortune may be, and frequently are hereditary ; but
this is the firft time I ever heard a grave philosopher pronounce
virtue and abilities to be so.
In the 3d volume of his Defence-, and which costains a very in
genious and ufeful criticism on Mr. Ncedham's Theory of a Common
wealth, he observes (letter 6.) that, " We have adopted in Ame
rica one idea of Needham's, in making a fucccflion in our Senate
and Governors. It is still, however, problematical, whether this
succession will be the grand preservative against corruption, or
the grand inlet to it. There is room to hope, and groundsto fear.
The experiment is made, and it will have fair play. If corrup
tion breaks in, a remedy mull be provided ; and what that re
medy mull be, is well known to every man that thinks."—" In
•what manner annual elections of Governors and Senators will
opeiatein America, remains to be ascertained. It should al
ways be remarked, that this is not the firft experiment that ever
was made in the world, of elections t© great offices ol State : How
they have hitherto operated in every great nation, and what has
been their end, is very well known. Mankind have univerfaliy
discovered that chance was preferable to a corrupt choice, and
have trusted Providence rather than themfclves. Thank Heaven !
Americans understand calling conventions ; and \ f the time should
come, as it is very pofjible it may, when hereditary descent (hall be
come a less evil.than annual fraud and violence, such a conven
tion may still prevent the firft magistrate fiom becoming absolute
as well as hereditary."— 44 Th s hazardous experiment we have
tried ; and if ele&ions are soberly made, it may answer well—if
not, the people must again have reeourie to conventions, and find
a remedy."
The prevailing bent of Mr. Adams, in favor of hereditary go
vernment, seems to have acquired new force, as he proceeded in
his writings. In his ift vol. we have observed, he speaks of it
as a thing defirableonly at some future period, and not suited to
our present condition. Here he declares himfelf much more
emphatically in its savor—considers ele&ive governments as of
hazardous experiment, and of doubtful issue ; and in a strain of
exultation and devotion thanks Heaven that Americans can assume
with ease an hereditary monarchy.
Mr. Adams has lately obliged the public with a number of
periodical pieces, entitled, Dijcourfes on DaviU, and which, like
all his other writings, discover cxtenfive learning and superior
capacity, and are calculated like his former volumes, to point
out the neceflity of a balanced government. These difcouxfes,
however, arc constantly interrupted with his remarks on the na
tural love for iamily, and diftinflions, and property, and rank,
and that aristocracy and monarchy have their foundation in the
original constitution of our nature. In No. 12 he observes, " But
it (hall be left to the contemplation of our state physicians t® dis
cover the caufcs and the remedy o: that fever whereoj our power is
sick. One queltion {hall be refpe&fuiiy insinuated; whethercqtial
Jaws, the result only of balanced government, can ever be ob
tained and preserved, without some signs or other of dijlinflion
and degree."—ln No. after many arguments on the inextin
guifhablc passion for titles and diftinflions, he breaks out into
the following apoftrophe;—Americans! rejoice that from expe
rience you have learned wisdom ; and instead of whimsical and
fantaftic proje£b, you have adopted afromi/ing eJfajkMivards a well
ordered government."
Mr Adams has now begun, a discourse on Stephen Boetiui,
which will probably be the fame thing a: a second edition o. his
commentary on Needham. r
It would be easy for me to proceed with quotations of a
import ; but I trull I have already fufficently proved the truth
of m V assertion, and the justness of my belief in Ine beginning oi
this letter, thai Mr. Adams was attached to monarchical and
ariftocratiral principles. In faying this, T ave no c ire, I
had the power, to derogate f.nm the general repuia-ion ol his
works : I only wish that the falfr doctrines they contain may be
feparatcd from the salutary councils with which they are al led.
His writings have profoundedlv developed, and placed in all «s
variety ol altitude to the world, one excellent tru.h, long e re
known, recognized, and adopted by his countrymen in their po
litical fvftcms, and that is, the ncceflity of a div;fior, of the le
gidative, executive, and judiciary powers, and a partition of the
former into three independent parts, in order lo coiitroul the
fpiiit of rival (hip inherent in the mind of man. But his writings
have also inculcated, chetifhed, and propagated one abominable
ktrtfy, and that is, that hereditary monarchy and ariltocracy art
compatible with permanent freedom, and probably elfential to a
wife, happv, and perfectly balanced conflitution.
It is well worth observing, that Mr. Adams has undergone,
fincc his rcfidence in Europe, a very great change in his political
principles. In 1776, while he was a member of Congress, he
wrote a letter to Mr. Wythe, of Virginia, and which has been
recently published. In that letter he fays, " There is no good
government but what is republican —that the only vamable part
of the Britilh constitution is so—that the legislature ftiould be di
vided into two branches, a °d the executive should have a nega
tive on both ; but that the executive, as well as both branches of
the legislative, ought to be annually cle&ive, there not being in
the whole circle of the sciences a maxim more infallible than this,
Where annual eleflions end, there tyranny begins. Thcfe great men,
in this refpeft, should be once a year,
Like bibbles on the sea of matter borne,
They the* break, and to that sea return.
This will .each them the great political virtues of humility, pa
tience, and moderation, without which every man in power be
comes a ravenous beast of prey."
Mr. Adams ought to (hew us whether human nature has alter
ed since the year 1776 ; and what there is at this day, more tnan
there was at that day, to prevent a man who holds his feat by he
reditary right, 'Or (as .Mr. Burke fays the King of England hold?
his crown) in contemptoj the people, and who is not rejponfibleJot
his conduct, from becoming a ravenous beast of prey : Whereas,
the great leading maxim in all his writing is, that mankind arc
just as imperfect now as fo'merly—in America as in Europe—in
this century as in ten centuies ago. But it is the fate of Mr.
Adams, in many places, t") be as inconsistent with himfelf, as
some of his doctrines are inconsistent with the genius of his coun
try.
The English government is that perfe£l model to which al! his
observations are dire6ted.—" It is (fays he) the mofl stupendous
fabric of human invention, both for the adjustment of the balance.
and the prevention of its vibrations."-—But the furious wars be
tween the two Roses—the constant tyranny of the Tudors—the
con (taut tyranny and convulsions under the Stuarts—the two re
bellions against the house of Hanover, are rather bad precedents
in favor of hereditary fuccefiion. At present there is not indeed
the avowed oppreflion of former times. But the constitutional
tyranny (if I may so express mvfelf) of the hereditary part, has
changed its colour, not its nature —It has laid aside its fierce vis
age, and aflfumed the livery of Venus and the Graces. Henry
the 8 h was a despot, with the iron rod of prerogativc--George
the 3d is a despot also, with the courtly sceptre of corruption.
I finceiely believe the Englifa administration to be as much under
the influence of corruption, as that of any government in Europe.
The House of Commons, chosen once in seven years, is a mere
mockery of rcptefentation. The English nation would have, if
justice was done them, their Commons fairly chosen by upwaids
ol 400,000 elcftors—and yet a ninth part of the English repre
sentation is chosen by 364 votes, and a majority of the represent
ation bv 5723 ele&ors, inoft of whom have no property. The
House of Commons, thus wrctchedly constituted, has not been
able (as we might well fuppofc) to preserve its equipoise in the
system, and has submitted itfelf implic illy to the corrupt influence
of the hereditary department. Nothing but the independence of
their judicial, and the pride and honor of their judges, preserves
the remains of their liberties. The Roman civilians and judges
in like manner preserved their integrity and good frnfe long af
ter Tiberius, Nero, and Domitian, had infected their government
with the most accursed of all tyrannies. Mr. Hume, some years
ago, predi&ed (and he predi&ed right) that the tide of power in
England was running to the monarchical fide, and that absolute
monarchy was the true euthanasia ot the British constitution.—
This government, however, is held up to us as a model of wis
dom and imitation.
14 May 21, 1791
Mr. Adams has devoted the labor of years to point out the evils
to which free governments are incident, and to warn mankind a
gainll them. I thank, him for his learned labors. But Iwifhhe
would also warn us against the dangers of the opposite coast, to
which he is (leering our political veflel; aad together with his
commentaries on Machiavel, Needham, and Stephen Boetius—
would also give us his commentaries on the ieign of Tiberius, as
delineated by the mafteriy hand of Tacitus.
His writings have certainly the tendency (whatever may be his
intention) to make people weary of republican government, and
to sigh for the monarchy of England. To inculcate the dottrine,
that men are not fit to chufe their own rulers—that frequent elec
tions are dangerous—that diftin&ions, not of virtue and talents,
but of birth and fortune, are eflential to the order of government
—that riches and family lhould be the titles to preferment, and
poverty the obje£l of oontcmpt. Such dottrines I deem hereiies
in American politics. I am, dear fir,
Mr. RUSSELL,
THE late revolution in France, has opened
an extensive field of (peculation to the phi
losopher and to the politician. An event so af
tonifliing and unexpected in its nature, and so
important in its consequences, naturally arret
ed the peculiar attention of the whole civilized
world. The friends of liberty and of man, have
seen with pleasure, the temples of despotism, le
velled with the ground, and the genius of free
dom, lifing luddenly, in his collected and irre
(irtible strength, and snapping in an inftsnt all
the cords with which for centuries he had been
bound. Upon the downfal of the arbitrary sys
tem of government in France, there appears to
have been but one sentiment, and that, a senti
ment of exultation ; but while the friends of
humanity have rejoiced at the emancipation of
10 many millions of their fellow-creatures, they
have waited with an anxious expectation to fee
upon what foundations they would attempt toef
tablifh their newly acquired liberty. The pro
58
li To Mr.
FROM THE (BOSTONJ COLUMBIAN CENTINEL,
Your's sincerely,
ceedings of their Representative Afi'cinbly h- .
been contemplated in very different points"., f
view, by men of names equally illustrious and
of characters equally favorable to the cau'fe of
liberty. Among the publications which hav
appeared upon the fubjecft,two pamphlets found!
Ed upon very different principles, appear to have
been received with the greateit avidity, and stem
calculated to leave the deepest im prefiion.
one, written bv Mr. Burke, which is one cot"
tinued inventive uponalnioft all the proceedings
of the National AUembly since the revol u[ j o jf
and which pafles a severe and indifcriminatin?
tenfure upon almofl all their tranlaotions • Th«
other, the production of Mr. I'ain E) containing
a defence of the Afiembly, and approving every
thing they have done with applause as umlif.
tinguifhing as is the censure of Mr. Burke
We are told, that the copy from which an edi
tion of this work was reprinted at Philadelphia,
was furnished by the Secretary of State, and was
accompanied by a letter from which the follow
iilg extract has been pubiiihed in molt of our
newspapers. " lam extremely pleased to find (
" that it is to be reprinted here, and rhatfotne
" thing is at length to be publicly said, against
" the political hernfies which have sprung up a
" mong us. 1 have 110 doubt our citizens will
" rnlly a fecorid time round the standard of
" Common Seuft."
I confefs, fir, I am somewhat at a loft to de
termine, what this very refpeftable gentleman
means by political herefics. Does he consider this
pamphlet of Mr. Paine's as the canonical book
of poetical scripture ? As containing the true
doctrine of popular infallibility, from which it
would be heretical to depart in one single point.
The cxpreflions indeed imply more ; they feenj
like the Arabian prophet to call upon all true
believers in the J flam of democracy, to draw
their swords, and in the fervour of their devo
tion to compel all their countrymen to cry out,
" There is but one Goddels of Liberty, and
Common Sense is her prophet."
I have always understood, fir, that the citi
zens of these Stares, were poflefled of a full and
entire freedom of opinion upon all fubjedts civil
as well as religious ; they have not yet eflabliih
ed any infallible criterion of orthodoxy, either
in church or state : Their principles in theory
and their habits in pracftice, are equally a»eife
to that slavery of the mind, which adopts with
out examination any sentiment tTiat has the fane,
tion of a venerable name. Ie Nullius in verba ju
rare ma?iflri" is their favorite inaxim ; and the
only political tenet, which they would lligma
tize with the name of heresy, would be that
which should attempt to impose an opinion up
on their uuderftandings, upon the lingle prin
ciple of authority.
I believe also, fir, that the citizens of America
are not at present disposed ro rally round the
standard of any man. In the full pofieffipn and
enjoyment of all the freedom, for which they
have gone through so arduous a conftitft, they
will roc for the poor purpbfe of extinguilhing a
few supposed political heresies, return to the
horrors of a civil contest, from which they could
reap no possible benefit, and which would pro
bably terminate in the loss of that liberty, for
which they have b=en so liberal of their trea
fnre and of their blood.
If however, Mr. Paine is to be adopted as the
holy father of our political faith, and this pam
phlet is to be considered as his Papal bull of in
fallible virtue, let us at lead examine what it
contains. Before we determine to join the
standard let us inquire what are the articles of
war, to which our General requires our fubmif
fion.—lt is the glorious charaCleriltic of truth,
at once to invite and bid defiance to investiga
tion. If any opinions which have sprung up
among us, have really led lis ailray from the
(tnndard of truth, let us return to it, ar the call
of Mr. Paine, or of any other man, who can
lliew us our errors. But fir, if upon examina
tion, even this teflament of orthodoxy, shall be
found to contain many fpurions texts, falle in
their principles and delusive in their inferences,
we in ay be permitted, notwithstanding our re
verence for the author, at lead to expunge the
apocryphal docftitne, and to confine our faith
to the genuine tenets of real political inspiration.
—It is my intention to submit to the public a
few observations which have occurred to nie up
on the peruf.il of this pamphlet, which has so
clear and valid a title to the public attention.-—
But I must here observe, that I wish to avoid
every appearance of difrefpert, either to th»
real parejit of this production, or to the gen
tleman who has flood its sponsor in this country.
Both tliefe gentlemen are entitled to the grati
tude of their countrymen ; the latter still re ']"
ders them important services, in a very digni
fied ftarion. He is a friend to free inquiry tip
on every fnbjedl, and he will not be displeased
to fee the sentiments which he has made his own,
by a public adoption, cauvafled with as much
freedom as is confident with the reverence due
to his character.
PU3LICOLA