national laws ? Why fnall a power be ufdd at all,
which is always pernicious, when it is not use
less ?
Wliat then will become of the peace of the
country? Is it not scattering fire-brands among
you, to fend abroad your laws with a stigma upon
them, to have an ill name go before them, such
as the aflem'oly (hall think fit to give them ? What
is the fiift step towards overturning the govern
ment of this country ? To deltroy the confidencc
of the convince them that their affairs
go wrong, and are managed by men and upon
principles which it is a virtue to oppofe —a peo
ple in whose hands the goverment is, will delay
adling only till they are so convinced. As soon
as the county convention, in Mafl'achufetts, in
I 786, began to vote the measures of the govern
ment grievances, that state was lhaken to its
centre—lt is turning the principle of life into a
peftiler.ce—it is arming the right hand against
the left. Society cannot be managed but by re
presentatives, chosen to acft for the common good
— The choice implies trnft and confidence—But
when one set of representatives set up a cry against
another, as tyrants and oppreflors, what but un
certainty and confufion can ensue ? And what
security is there that this cry will not be set up
sometimes by an aflembly without cause ? Will
Congress always be in the wrong ? Will the body
which has information from all partsof the union
laid on its table, be more apt to err than another
body, which has no such general information,
and is not at all bound to make up any judgment
tipon it? Will the elecflion of a senator or repre
sentative to Congrefi never tincture their reso
lutions with a party hue ? Will envy or fear of
the power of Congress, or the ambition tofnatch
a part of it, never find an entrance within the
walls of the state-house ? It is a found principle
to be jealous of power—it is equally true that
power will be jealous for itfelf. If it is natural
for every body to attempt extending its own ju
rifdi<stion, it seems to follow that the aflemblies
ftiould not pals votes of censure on the ads of
Congress—The people only will exercise that
power of revision with impartiality—lt is their
province to watch all their public bodies—For,
as the people molt govern by their representa
tives, thay will have no inducement to make en
croachments upon any of them.
The question concerns the peace of this coun
try—The people have a right to judge, and
thailks to our forefathers who established schools,
they have sense enough to decide it Shall the
aflembly of Pennsylvania, as it were, snatch the
bufiuefs off the table of Congress ? Shall they
like reviewers, draw before them a law of the
union, and make it depend for its pafiage, and
its execution when pafled, on their criticism ?
Shall the whole be governed by its parts ? Con
gress is a government over governments —Sup-
pose they (hould all adopt the measures of Penn
sylvania, and undertake to decide upon the af
fairs of the nation, confufion of counsels would
be the firft effetfl, as dear experience has alrea
dy taught us. If we escaped ruin before, it was
because the adoption of the constitution saved
us from it.—The people will readily fee, that
the peace of the country requires that the seve
ral governments fhouldkeep within their respec
tive limits ; without fufFering one to encroach
upon the bulinefs afligned by the constitution to
the other.
A people, who have To long enjoyed liberty,
■would be wretched without it—Long may it fen
dure—and what, but breaking the union, can de
stroy it ? The bed principle in the politics of
this country is, the firm union of its parts under
one efficient government. What other barrier is
therebetween ns and anarchy? Itis our onlychance
for maintaining our liberties, and for becoming
great. Things are in so prosperous a train,that
if we preserve our present happy conftitution,we
can scarce fail of becoming thegreateft and hap
pielt nation that ever existed ; but if we should
io relax the government of the union that the
band which binds the (tatis together should be
snapped asunder, we should probably become
uetts of petty barbarians, making spoil upon one
another. So degraded and corrupted as to de
lerve all we Ihould fufFer, and futficiently dispo
sed to perform the work of vengeance for provi
dence, by mutually inflicting all we should de-
serve
Extrafi from j'tdge Grt mke's charge to the graud
Jury, Camden DiJlrM.
IT is with much fatisfacflion that I refutne the
judicial duties of this diftriift. After so long
a period has elapsed lince 1 have had the honor
of addreflingyourpannel, and after theneceffary
retirement to a northern climate on account of
the infirmity of my health, I receive additional
pleasure in recommencing the usual functions of
my cominiflion.
But grateful as these considerations are to me
individually, there are others of a public nature
which will contribute to heighten our feelings,
and to warm our hearts. The present situation
of South-Carolina, whether viewed as a coinpo
Charleston, Dec. 27
nent part of the federal union, or in its natural
| independent state tinder our own conftitulion af
fords ample relief to the political eye by the
bright profpeits now opening upon us. The act
of Congress afliiming so coniiderable an amount
as four million of dollars of our debt, relieves
us from the difficult alternative of overburthen
ing our constituents with taxes to discharge the
interest thereon, or of ruining a number of in
nocent fufferers by withholding that payment
from them. It is an acft of the firft importance
to our state. It enables us to maintain our pub
lic faith and rescues us from the disgrace of a na
tional bankruptcy ; nor will the effects of this
statute be confined alone to the public—but each
individual will partake of the benefits ofitscon
fequences : many in finding the above mention
ed sum realized in their hands, and others, that
such a value will be stamped on our securities as
to give them a currency and circulation through
the state. The honcft man who finds himfelf
enibarraUed in his circumstances if polfefled of
this paper, will be enabled readily to relieve
hiinfelf from his unworthy situation : or if his
property fliould chance to be expofedfor fale,he
will atleaft have the farisfaction of feeing it pur
chased at a fair price ; for there can be but little
doubt that such an accession of paper, with our
proportion of the debt due by the United States
to our citizens, [besides the annual amount of in
tereft, amounting at least to 250,000 dollars) ri
ling at once in the hands of our inhabitants and
serving as a negotiable medium, will augment
the price of property in a very considerable de
gree : and altho' this will not have any immedi
ate effect, nevertheless we shall feel the advanta
ges resulting from it in a year or two, when the
interest on our assumed debt begins to be paid.
It is with peculiar pleasure thereforelthat I anti
cipate the fruits of this wife measure ripening
into maturity, and serving as the basis of reconci
ling to the federal union the minds of those ho
nest citizens, who at firft were opposed to the
constitution of government under whieh we now
live, and I may add flourifti.
As to our domefticftate affairs, we may rejoice
with uplifted hands and grateful hearts for the
peaceable manner in which we have been ena
bled to alter our constitution, and for the benign
and happy spirit of accommodation which disco
vered itfelf in the framers thereof. 1 believe
that there were but very few persons, if any in
the convention, who were diflatisfied with the
principles ingrafted into the constitution. For
each party generously facrificing somewhat of
their own opinions, heartily strove by mutual
concession to render itasperfetft as possible. The
result of their wisdom, their deliberation and
their liberality was unanimously ratified, the
members of every part of our country giving
their aflent thereto in the moll unequivocal man
ner.
Philadelphia, Feb. 19.
It has been said that the circum fiances of the
United States are so diverse from those of Eng
land, at the time of the institution of the national
bank in that country, that no reason for the in
stitution in this country can be drawn from
thence. The pleasing profpcdts of the United
States, are said to fupercede the neceflicy of a na
tional bank. But a correspondent observes, that
the argument in favor of the institution, in his
opinion, derives additional force from the above
representation. If a bank, instituted at a time
of general distress, has been found tobeproduc.
tive of such extensive advantages, as acknow
ledged in respect to the bank of England—what
benefits may not be expe(ted to result to the
United States from a bank-institution, in a time
of profound peace, and at the moment when the
country is rising in prosperity, encreafing in po
pulation, and continually appreciating initscre
dit, resources and revenue.
A correspondent observes, that the provision
proposed to be made by some of the States for
the unaffumed part of the State debts, is a mea
lure of a dubious complexion; so far as it ori
ginates in a tender concern for the State creditors,
it is to be applauded—but in proportion as it is
founded on the idea of State sovereignty's being
eflentially conneited with making the people feel
the concurrent powers of the State and general
governments in taxation, it will be found impo
litic and unpopular. The State creditors would
do well to reflect, whether it would not be more
for their interest to depend altogether on the
general government ; they have no reason to
anticipate much from the particular States, from
past experience, and their prospects will not be
brightened by a division of the power, necellary
to doing them compleat justice-
PORTSMOUTH, Feb. 2.
• Tl J. e address of his excellency Alexander Mar
tin Efq Governor of North-Carolina, presented
to both houses of the general Afl'embly of that
Itnte, on the 2d of November last", contains the
following:
754
" The atft of Congrefi fur" the assumption of
the debts of the individual states without their
particular consent, or application of the citizens
for this purpose, seems to exhibit at an eailv pe
riod, a new and unexpected precedent of legilla
tion in the federal government : How the
fame may involve in it the independence and in
ternal sovereignty of the (tare, 1 shall not under
take to discuss ; but mult presume the principles
of pure and equal jufticj- dictated, in that honor
able body, this extraordinary measure !"
The Rev. Dr. Peters, formerly of Hebron in
Connecticut, is expected thortly to take charoe
of theprovince of Quebec, as Bishop.
The Rev. Dr. Bass, having resigned his elec
tion as Bishop ; that office will probably be giv
en to the Rev. Doctor Parker, of Bolton, iifre
ftimony of the affection and esteem of the Church,
and in gratitude tor his many important fervices
to her, in days of diftref's.
The Rev. Uzal Ogden, of Newark, in New-
Jersey, is also a candidate for cortfecration a?
Bishop of the Churches in that state.
A correspondent observes, he is happy in hear
ing that a committee of the honorable legislature
of this state are now considering the subject of
establishing pod-roads and polt-riders through
the state. The advantages which would refulc
to the citizens at large from such an establish
ment, are many and obvious—an early and ex
peditious communication would be kept up—the
people would be better informed of the proceed
ings of their rulers—and a vast Hiving would be
made to the state by having its business increas
ed, owing to the regular intercourse which the
eftablifliment alluded to cannot fail of producing
—It is notorious that hundreds of'pounds are an
nually loft to the state for want of such an ar
rangement.
Quere. is not the general government in a
fair way of being fuperceded in the business of
the union ?
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
TUESDAY, Feb. i.
THE engrolled bill to incorporate the subscri
bers to the bank of the United States, was
read the third time—and on the question, Shall
this bill pass ?
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) observed, that the bill be
ing taken up rather unexpectedly yesterday, gen
tlemen did not appear prepared to dif'culs the
fubjeft—lt therefore was fuffered to be read in
committee of the whole, and parted to the third
reading in his opinion rather informally—as the
members were thereby deprived of giving their
sentiments in the usual manner on a bill of the
greatest importance. He thought it susceptible
of various amendments. The Speaker having;
observed, that the bill, agreeable to the rules of
the house, could not be amended without being
re-committed, Mr. Smith moved, that the bill
should be re-committed, for the purpose of mak
ing sundry alterations, and removing objections
which he thought the bill liable to. lie then
enumerated ieveral objections : Those who are
to receive the fubferiptions, he said, by the bill
are not obliged to give any bonds for their fideli
ty : He thought the clause which excludes fo
reigners from voting by proxy, exceptionable—
and the time in which fublcriptions are to be re
ceived, he thought too contracted.
Mr. Jackson said he was in favor of the motion,
for are commitment; but not for the reasons of
fered by thegentleman from South Carolina. He
was. he said, opposed to the principle of the bill
altogether. He then adverted to the fituanon
of the United States, and observed, that it was so
different from that of Great Britain, at the time
the bank was eftablilhed in that country, that no
reason in favor of the institution can he deduced
from thence. He adverted to the arguments ari
sing from the facility which banks afford of an
ticipating the public resources in cases of emer
gency. This idea of anticipations he reprobated,
as tending to involve the country in debt, and an
endless labyrinth of perplexities. This plan of
a national bank, said he, is calculated to benefit
a small part of the United States, the mercantile
interest only—the farmers, the yeomanry, will
derive no advantage from it—as the bank bills
will not circulate to the extremities of the Union.
He said he had never seen a bank bill in the state
of Georgia—nor will they ever benefit the far
mers ofthat state, or of New-Hampihire. He ur
ged that there was no neceifity for instituting a
New Bank: There is one already established in
this city, under the stile of the Bank of North-
America—This propofedlnftitution isan infringe
ment of the charter of that batik, which cannot
be jtiftified. He urged the unconftitutionality