PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENXO, No. 69, MARKET-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHI \ [No. 57, of Vol. ll.] Discourses on Davila. No. XXII I. — COM TINUED. Uttumquc rcgem, fua multitudo coriialutaverat, IN the beginning of the year i 561, the Queen mother and the King of Navarre difmilied the States General, lead the Cu'tfei should excite some fermentation there. The formation of a conlti tution and the fettlemeut of religion, were never the real objects for which they had been called. It appears not that they were even asked to ratify the regency in the Queen-mother. So loose and uncertain was the sovereignty of that great nati on, that a confufed agreement of the chiefs of two factions,was thought fufficient for its govern ment, without any forms or legal solemnities. The liability el the government, and the securi ty of the lives, liberties and properties of the people was proportionate tofuch a fyltem. The court was still agitated with divisions and diflen- tions The Cuifes, who had obtained but a small part of their pretensions ; that is to fay, much in ap pearance and little in reality ; accustomed to rule, and very discontented with the government and with the Queen, who failed to perform the promises (he had made to them, watched all op portunities to regain their firft advantages. The Prince of Conde,more irritated than ever,kept in view his ancient projects,and burned with an im placable delire of vengeance. The Colign'tes were obstinate to proteifltheHugonois. The two parties labored to gain the Conftable,but he declared that he would remain neuter,and attach himfelf only to the King and the Queen. He was confirmed in this refolutionby the condutftof the King ofNa varre, who, fatisfied with the present arrange ment, lived in good intelligence with the regent, and thought of nothing but peace. The Admi ral, his brothers, and the Prince of Conde, flatter ed themselves that the connection of blood would draw the Constable, ultimately to their party. The Cttifet, who knew his attachment to the Ca tholic faith, and his aversion toCalvinifm, which he had cruelly perlecuted under Henry lid, des paired not to gain him, under the pretext of de fending religion, and exterminating the Hugo nots. The vivacity of the King of Navarre, in \irging the Queen to accomplish the promises lhe had made him in favor ot the Hugonots, contri buted not a little to keep up this fermentation. This Princess, fatisfied with having ellabliihed a kind of equilibrium, which secured her power and that of her children, dreaded to intercept it, and avoided all occalions of displeasing the King of Navarre. She made use of delays and pretexts, in hopes that the King of Navarre would relax ; but that Prince,excited and transported beyond the bounds of his character, by the continued mitigations of his brother, and the Admiral, and by the urgent folicitationsofthe Queen his consort, became the more ardent in demanding what had been pro niifed liim. The Chancellor De L'Hop'ttal, whe ther he judged a liberty of conscience neceflary to the good of the Hate, or whether he had an inclination to Calvinism, favored, under hand, the felicitations of the King of Navarre. He re strained with all his authority, the severity of the other magistrates, and exhorted the Queen to be sparing of blood, to leave consciences in tran quility, and to avoid every thing which might interrupt a peace, which had colt so much pains to eftabli(h. Several of those who composed the council, supported these instances of the King of Navarre, and protclled that they ought to be weary of imbruing their hands in the blood of Frenchmen : and that it was time to put an end topunilhments, the fear of which forced so many good fubjetfts to abandon their houses, families and country. The Hugonots theuifelves, among whom were many persons of sense and merit, ne glerted no cares nor means proper to favor their cause : and sometimes by writing composed with art, and fkilfully propagated ; fometimesby pe titions presented in proper seasons ; and fome tinies by persuasive discourses of their partisans, endeavored to impress the great in their favor, by pathetic paintings of the misfortunes with which they were opprefled. The Queen was, at length, obliged to give way tothe sentiments and authority of so many persons. Perhaps Ihe was convinced of the wisdom of relaxing a severity, which flie was in no condition to maintain ; and of abandoning laws, which they could no longer Saturday, November 15, 1790. execute whli rigour. She consented- therefore to an Edict, rendered by the council on the 28th of January. This Edict enjoined all magistrates to release all the prisoners arretted, on account of religion : to Hop all prosecutions commenced for this cause ; to hinder disputes upon matters of faith : forbidding individuals to give each other the odious appellations of Heretics or Pa pists : finally, to prevent unlawful allemblies, commotions, (editions, and maintain concord and peace in all ther departments. Thus, with the design of putting an end to punithments and theeffufion of blood, a motive dilated by religi on and humanity,Calvinifm was,ifnot permitted, at lealt tolerated, and indirectly authorised. More lively co.nteftaions were expected con cerning the promise which reflected the Cuifes. The King of Navarre, recalling to the Queen the secret promises which she had made to him, pre tended, that in his quality of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, they ought to deliver to him the keys of the palace which the Duke of Guise kept, as grand matter of the King's house-hold. The Queen, in truth, 110 longer doubted the attachment of the King of Navarre, and of the Constable ; but the was not ignorant of the in creating coldness of the Cuifes, and delayed with all her artifice the moment of offending them. She wilhed, on one hand, to manage the Hugo nots, protected by the Admiral and the Prince of Conde ; and on the other, the Catholicks, united under the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lor rain. These two factions,were like two powerful dikes, under the shelter of which she enjoyed a calm. By weakening the Catholicks, she was afraid of putting the Hugonots in a condition to give her the law. Sometimes by temporizing, therefore, and sometimes by granting other fa vors to the King of Navarre, she endeavored to divert him from this pretention. But the more she endeavored to make him lose fight of this ob ject,the more the Princc pursued it with warmth. Finally, the Queen, thatflie might not cleftroy the harmony she had taken so much pains to el tabliih, commanded the captains of the guards, no longer to carry the keys of the palace to the grand master of the King's lioufe-hold, but to the lieutenant-general of the kingdom, to whom this prerogative belonged of right. This proceeding irritated the Duke of Cuifc, but infinitely more the Cardinal of Lorrain, his brother, less because they considered it as an affront, from which the regulation of the council of regency would have screened them, than because they saw clearly, that with the consent of the Queen, the King of Navarre aspired to distress and destroy thein. They knew very well that they were accused of listening to nothing but their interest and ambi tion, and feeing themselves no longer able to prevail in this private quarrel with the Princesof the blood, who difpofedof all the forces, as well as ot the royal authority, they diflembled their resentments, and complained of nothing but the liberty of conscience, which had been tacitly granted to the Hugonots, covering thus with the specious -veil, and the pretext of religion, their palfions and personal interests. Thus the discords of the great confounded themselves insensibly with the differences of religion, and the faf u long ; that of yu and oc ; and use both without any regr.rd to -atin or Saxon derivation. The diftin&ion they make is founded )n a certdin principle j and yet I question whether one of a th«u and of them ever attended to if. After most of tfte confonanrs, ■hey give u the dipthongal found of eu ; as in blue, cube, due, mute ; but after r they almost invariably pronounce it oo ;as rule, truth, 'ue, rude, fruit. Wh) this diftindion ? If they contend for the Saxon found of u, why do they not preserve that found in true, rue, truth, which are of Saxon original ; and uniformly give u its Roman found, which is acknowledged on all hands to have been 00, in all words of Latin original, as rule, mute, cube ? The fate >s» they mistake the principle on which the diftinttion is made ; and which is merely accidental, or ariles from the cafe of speaking. In order to frame many of the confooants, the organs are pla ced in such a pofuion, that in pa fling from it to the aperture nc ceflary to articulate the following vowel or dipthong, we iijfcn fibly fall into the found of te. This in particular the cafe with thole consonants which are formed near the feat of e ; vir. k and g. The closing of the organs forms these mutes ; and a very {mall opening forms the vowel e. In palling from that clofc comprcflion occasioned by k to the aperture neceflary to form any vowel, the organs are neceflarily placed in a situation to pronounce ee. From this single circumstance, have originated the most barbarous diale&s or Angularities in speaking £ngli(h, which offend the ear, either in Great-Britain or America. This is the origin of the New-England kcow, keoward ; and of the Englilh keube, acknfe, kciud and geuidc. There is just the fame propriety in one praflice as the other, and both are equally karmonious. For similar reasons, the labials, m and p, are followed by e : In New-England, we hear it in meow, ficowcr, and in cireat- Britain, in meutc, peurc. With this difference however, that in New-England, this pronunciation is generally confined to the more illiterate part of the people, and in Great-Britain it prevails among those of the firft: rank. But after rwe never hearthe fonnd of c : It has been before observed, that the most awkward coun tryman in New-England pronounces round, ground, brown, as cor re&ly as men of the firft education ; and our faftiionable speak ers pronounce u after r like 00. The reason is the fame in both cases : In pronouncing r tbe mouth is neceflarily opened (or rather the glottis) to a position for articulating a broad full found. So that the vulgar singularities in this refpe&, and the polite refine ments of fpe.aking, both proceed from the fame cause ; both pro ceed from an accidental or careless narrow way ot articulating cer tain combinations of letters ; both are corruptions of pure En glilh ; equally disagreeable and indcfenfible. Both may be easily corrected by taking more pains to open the teeth, and form full bold founds. 2. But another inconsistency in the modern pra&ice, is the in troducing an c* before the second found of u as in tun ; or rather changing the preceding consonant; for in nature, rapture, and hundreds of other tis changed into tjh ; and yet no per son pretends that t/, in these words, has a dipthongal found. On the other hand, Sheridan and his copier Scott, have in thefc and similar words marked u for its lliort found, which is universally acknowledged to be simple. I believe no person ever pretended, that this found of ucontains the found of * or y ; why then should we be directed to pronounce nature, natyur ? Or what is equally absurd, natjhur ? On what principle is the t changed into a cam pound conionant ? If there is any thing in this found of u to war rant this change, does it not extend to all words where this found occurs ? Why do not our (landard writers direfl us to fay tjhun for tun, and tjhumble for tumble ? I can conceive no reafoD which will warrant the pronunciation in one cafe, that will not apply with equal force in the other. And I challenge the advocates of the prattice, to produce a reason for pronouncing natjhur, raptfhur, captjhur which will not extend to authorize, not only tfhun, tfliurv, for tun, turn, but also fatjkal {or fatal, and immortjhal for immortal.t Nay, the latter pronunciation is actually heard among some very refpe&able imitators of falhion ; and is frequent among the il literate, in those states where the tjku's are more faftiionable. How can it be otherwise ? People are led by imitation; and when those in high life embrace a lingularity, the multitude, whoaie unacquainted with its principles or extent, will attempt to imitate the novelty, and probably carry it much farther than was ever in tended. When a man of little education hears a refpe&able gentleman change t into tjh in nature, he will naturally be led to change th(t fame letter, not only in that word, but -wherever it occurs. This is already done in a multitude of instances, and the practice if continued and extended, might eventually change/, in all cases, into tjh. fTo be continued. J * Lowth condemns such a phrase as, 11 the introducing an t" and fays itfhould be, " the introducing of ant.** This is but one instance of a great number, in which he has rejefled good Englifk. In this fx tuation, introducing is a participial noun ; it may take an article be- Jore it, like any other noun, and yet govern an objettive, like any trav- Jitive verb. This is the idiom of the language : but in mofl cases, the writer may vfe or omit of, atpleafure. + / mujl except that reajon, which is always an invincible argument with weak people, viz. "It is the practice of fomegreat men." This common argument, which is unanjwerable, will also prove the propriety of imitating all the polite and deteflable vices ojthe great, which are now unknown to the little vulgar ojtfris country. 04$o