[No. XLVII.]
THE TABLE T.—No. XLVII.
The author of the Tablet presents thefollowing Speculation fiom a
friend, for the forty-feventh number.
" The divfrfity of inter efls in the United States, un
jtr a wife government, will prove the Cement of the
Union-" '
FORMERLY, it was the policy of Great Bri
tain to diflejninatethe idea,that tlie seve
ral colonies were too much divided by religion,
manners and customs, by different interests, and
prejudices more obstinate than intereit, to alfimi
late and form a government of their own. It is
not remarkable that Britain fliould cheriffi and
diif'ufe an opinion so favorable to her power.
Andtho we have reason to lament, we have none
to wonder at, the degree of success which attend
ed her truly maternal endeavors. The inter
courfeof the colonies with her was much greater
than with <Jne another. It is known that people
are very susceptible of the opinions of thofewith
whom they have dealings. Our dealings were
with Britain almost exclusively, and we adopted
many of her favorite doctrines with a docility
and confidence which in fact, her conduct was
calculated to inspire. The leading men, who
gave a tone to the public lentiment in this coun
try, were Britons, or colonists as ardently at
tached as Britons themselves to tlje connection
with the mother country. There was an ap
parent utility in this error, which not only made
it plaufihle, but ftifled enquiry. Indeed the lub
jfCt at that time, would better Hand the tell of
disquisition than at present. The colonies were
filling with new people, who were so far from
having adopted the habits and manners of the
more ancient settlements, that they had not fuffi
ciently aflimilated with one another, to ailume a
national character.
But it is unneceflary to enumerate all the causes
which aoncurred to produce in the colonists a fpi
ritof mutual alienation and distrust. It is not
to be doubted that, in a long course of time, the
product of this cursed feed would have been a
imndant.—With infinite mifchiefs, the war
brought this good, it blasted it's vegetation.
However, some of these poisonous plants still
infect our fields, and are mingled with our liar
vefts.
When we express our surprise that these repul
sive prejudices continue to exist, we arc delired
to attend to the facts which it is pretended will
render them perpetual.
It is aflerted, that there is, at this day, so
great a diversity between the different States in
point of ' eligion, manners, habits and interests,
as to ronder the administration of a general go
vernment inconvenient, and perhaps impractica
ble. Certainly this doctrine has not novelty to
recommend it. For ever since the jealousy of
Britain adopted the maxim, divide et impera, it
h»s been inculcated by her millionaries and pro
fclytes with all imaginable zeal and foleinnity.
Many appeal to the supposed fact,that the east
ern and southern States have opposite interests.
Undoubtedly a. diversity of interests is one of the
most fruitful sources of contention and hatred.
Too much stress however, is generally laid upon
it. For such interests, tho different are not al
ways repugnant. The greatmodern improvement
m government, is to leave individuals at liberty
to seek their advantage their own way—partial
to none but protecting all. We cannot subdivide
a society fufficiently to avoid this fuppoled diver
-•. l_he fmallelt will be found to comprehend
jarring interests, and to be formed by a conge
ties of heterogeneous and materials,
which, merely in consequence of being accumu
lated, tend to fermentation and diflolurion. In
. '. we stall perceive that the interest of each
individual is exclusive of that of all others, until
B t,v- ernment combines them, and makes ittne ad
jutage of each one to advance the prosperity
°f the whole.
Uniformity of faith is an useless chimera.
Uniformity of interests is equally so. Diversity
'ft both produces difcuflion. Men ref'pect one
another's opinions, and become liberal, they en
quire and perhaps find truth : The tendency is,
to rouse them from an indolent neglect of pub
icbufmefs, and to check the natural pronenefs
°i all parties to excess.
It is very certain that the employments of the
°u hern and ealtern States are different : But
'tis denied that their interests are incompatible.
tiie wealth and power of one does not tend to
"lake the other weak and poor, it is difficult to
conceive, why they jQiould be mutually jealous.
nutting the idea of feperate and hostile pow-
f rs ' the of one State might well
1 alarming to her neighbors. But thanks to the
pod sense of our countrymen, the new Confti-
Uao " as baniihed a principle of state policy
WEDNESDAY, September 23, 1739.
which ihould make a patriot Ihiver with horror.
In every other relpect, each has an interest in
the prosperity of the whole. If rice and indigo
produce wealth, thepeople and the taxable pro
perty are encreafed. The consumption of dutied
articles encreales. The man is
as much relieved and benefited as if the tax was
raised from his next county. The navigation
and filbery of the States will furnifh the means of
a na,vy to prote<sl the export of the ttaple articles.
England and France are rivals in trade as well
as power, because each endeavors to supplant
the other in the sale of the like commodities.
England would excel France in the silk manufac
ture. And France endeavors to beat her rival out
of the woolen and hard ware branches. Their
vindictive regulations have, perhaps, mutually
injured each other infinitely more than either
has benefited licrfelf. But what foundation is
there for such a competition in America. Virgi
nia raises tobacco. New-England never can be
come her competitor in that culture. The rice,
indigo and cotton are confined by nature to the
more southern Sates. The culture of corn ad
mits of no rivalry. The consumers will grow up
to the market. For the human species will
encrgafe in every country in proportion to the re
gular means of subsistence.
A man who Ihould attempt to sow jealousy among
the New-England States, or between Pennfylva
niaand New-Jersey, byalledging thatthey have
jarring interests, would certainly be laughed at.
His fuccels would not be fufficiently feared to
make him detelled. Yet these are manufactur
ing States : And in every market their people are
contending for a preference. These are the
States whom diverlity of interests should divide.
The market may be over Hocked with fifh, oil or
lumber. This will affeifi the dealers in those ar
ticles. But how can it atfe<st the sale of tobacco ?
The conclusion is, that no large counpry in the
world is so little divided by oppoiite interests.
The eastern and southern States are necellary to
one another : And nature has interposed to for
bid their becoming commercial rivals. What one
raises, the other wants, and when one prospers,
all will partake. If the great llaples should fail,
navigation would decline. Should our own sea
men and {hipping be diininilhed, the staple States
might, and, in cafe of an European war, cer
tainly would want a conveyance for their valua
ble exports to the market. In peace and war,
their trade would be merely passive—The mark
ers and purchasers would be chosen for them, and
they would not be in a condition to feck the best
for themselves. This is evinced by the great suc
cess and rapid growth of our East India trade.
By means of poilefling (hipping, some of the
States have fought, in the extremities of the
earth, new markets for the sale of their butter
and salted provisions, which would never have
fought them.
Without violent evidence, a patriot Ihould not
admit that the interests of the southern and east
ern parts of the Union are oppoiite. It will re
quire fomerefle<ftiop to fupprefshis wonder, that
nor only without evidence, but against the most
palpable,it ever has been the creed of the country.
It is time to think more juftly,and more rationally,
which is the fame thing. The internal commerce
of our country is the molt to be cherilhed. It as
fords the quickest returns, and the profit is not
divided, as that of foreign trade is, with stran
gers. We ought to look forward with pleasure
to the rapid extention of our home market, al
ready vail, and soon to become a world of our
own.
(to be continued.)
NEW-YORK, September 23, 1789.
rROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
IN SENATE.
The Conventions of a number of the States having, at the time of their
adopting the Lonjlitution, exprefjed a desire, in order to prevent mis
conjlrudion or ahufe oj its powers, that further declaratory and res- jj
triclive clauf sJhould be added: And as extending the ground o)pub
lic confidence in the will bejl injure the beneficent ends
of its itifiitntion —
RFSOLVED, by the Senate and House of Reprefcntatives of ,
the United States of America in Congrefsaflembled, two thirds of !
both Houl'es concuring, That the -following articles be proposed :
to the Legislatures of the several States, as Amendments to the Con
iHtution of the United States, ail or any of which articles, when 1
ratified by three fourths of the said Legifldtures, to be valid to all
intents and purposes, as part of thf said Confli'ution, viz.
ARTICLES in addition to, and amendment of, the Constitu
tion of the United States ot America, proposed by Congress, apd
ratified by the Legifiatures of the several States, pursuant to the
fifth article of the original Constitution.
ARTICLE THE FIRST.
After the firft enumeration, required by the firft article of the
Constitution, there Avail be one Representative for every thirty
thousand, until thenumber shall amount to one hundred ; to which
number one representative shall be added for every fubfe-qircnt in
creafeof forty thousand, until the Representatives shall amount to
two hundred, to which number one Representative shall be added
for every subsequent increase of sixty thousand perfous.
r Pub'lijhed (jii W edtiefJay and Saturday .J
ARtjc E THE SECOND. *
No law, varying the compenfdtion for tile services of the Sena
tors and Representatives, (hall take etfe£t, until an ele&ioh of Re
presentatives shall haveiniervened.
ARTICLE THE THIRD.
Congrrfs shall make no law establishing articles of faith, or a
mode of worship, or prohibiting the free exercise of religion, or
abridging thefreedom of speech, or of the prels, or the right of the
people peaceably to afTemble, and to petition to the government
for a redrefsof grievances.
ARTICLE THE FOURtH.
A well regulated militia, being necessary to the fccurity of a free
State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be
infringed.
ARTICLE THE FIFTH.
No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house,
without the confe-nt of the owner, nor in time of *war, but in a
manner to be prescribed by law.
ARTICLE THE SIXTH.
The right of the people to belecure in their persons, houses, pa
pers, and effe£ls, against unreafonaM fcarches and fcizures, ftiall
not be violated, and no warrants shall ilTue, but upon probable
:aufe, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly defcrib
ng the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized
ARTICLE THE SEVENTH.
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwif<#
infamous crime, unless on a presentment orindiflment of a Grand
Jury, except in cases ariiing in the land or naval forces, or in the
militia, when in a&ual service in time of war, or public danger ;
nor (hall any person be fubjett for the fame offence to be twice put
in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any crimi
nal cafe, to be a witness against himfelf, nor be deprived of life,
liberty or property, without dueprocefs of law; nor shall private
property be taken tor public use without jilft compcnfation.
ARTICLE THE EIGHTH.
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to
a speedy and public trial, to informed of the nature and caufc
of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnefles against him.
to have coinpuHoi y process for obtaining witnefles in his favor,
and to have the afjiftance of counsel for his defence.
ARTICLE THE NINTH.
Jn fuitsat common law, where the value in controversy shall ex
ceed twenty dollars, tht right of trial by jury shall be preserved,
and no fact, trifd by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any
court of the United States, than according to the rules of the com
mon law.
ARTICLE THE TENTH.
Exceflive bail shall not be required, nor exceflive fines imposed,
nor cruel and unusual puniflimentsintlifted.
ARTICLE THE ELEVENTH.
The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights, shall not
be construed to deny or difparagc others retained by the people.
ARTICLE THE TWELFTH.
The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitu
tion, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserVed to the States
refpe&ively, or to the people.
In the HOUSE cf REPRESENTATIVES,
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER iS, 1889.
Sketch of the Debate on the Salaries of th::
Judicial Department.
MR. GOODHUE moved to strike out 4JOO
dollars, the proposed salary of the Chief Jultice,
and to insert 3000.
Mr. Burke who was one of the committee on
the bill, said, that he had been oppofedtotlie
Turn ; but a majority being in favor of it, it was a -
iopted : He still thought it too much.
Mr. Lawrance (who was also one of thecom
mittee) observed that he had been in favor of the
Turn, and was so still. Ido not (said he) think it
is too much, considering the very important na
ture of the duties afligned to this officer, and the
high trust committed to his care. The Laws
and the Constitution of the United States are iu
his hands. To the Judges of the Supreme Court
we are to look for decisions on the moftintereft
ing points, and on those decisions causes of the
greatest poflible magnitude depend. The sum
proposed I do not think will be considered too
high ; there is a prediletflion among the people
in favor of their judges, it is the general opinion
that they should be well paid. This fentimentis
honorary to the people ; it is productive of the
happiest effects and ought to be encouraged. I
am willing to risk my popularity in giving my
vote for this sum. Ido not think it will be con
sidered too high. I should rather be for encreaf
ingtlian diminishing it. When we consider what
is paid to similar officers in other countries, we
find that thefefalaries bear no proportion to those
allowances. To induce gentlemen of the firft'a
bilities to come forward ; and to place them in
that situation which shall be above temptation,
you cannot give them a less sum. It will be of
very little consequence, that the Judges hold their
places during good behavior, if you do not make
them independent intheir falarirs. Iliope there
fore the sum will not be struck out.
Mr. Goodhue obferved,that he did not think
there was any propriety in refering to other
countries for exampleson this occasion. Circum
stances, said he, do not apply. We mull have
regard to the ideas of our own people, and to
the circumstances of our own country. And
the only enquiry, in my opinion, is, what has
been cuftomary,and what maybe necelfary in the
I present cafe. He then referred to the salaries
which are given in particular States, and tho in
some instances they are below what they ought
obe, yet they command the firft abilities. The