The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON WEALTH EXAMINED. [Continued from our laj7.] AT the critical moment, when the Gauls had approached the capital with such silence as not to awaken the centinels, or even the dogs, M. Man -1 ius, who had been consul three years before, was awakened by the cry of the getfe, which, by the ianctity of their consecration to Juno, had escaped with ther lives in an extreme Icarcity of provi lions. lie hastened to the wall, and beat down one of the enemy, who had already laid hold ot the battlement, and whole fall from the prccipicc carried down several others who followed him. With stones and darts the Romans precipitated all the reft to the bottom of the rock. Manlius the next day received in a public aflembly his praises and rewards. Officers and foldjeis, to teftify their gratitude, gave him their rations for one day, both in corn and wine, half a pound of corn and a quarter of a pint of •wine. " Ingens " caritatis argutnentam,cumfe vitftu luofraudans, " detraiflum corpori & ufibus neeeflariis ad hono " rem unis viri conferre," lays Livy ; and in the year of Romt 365, the commonwealth gave to Manlius an house upon the capital, as a monu ment of his valour and his country's gratitude. In the year of Rome 370, fifty-five years after the execution of Melius, and five years after the defence of the capital from the attack of Brennus, Manlius is fufpetfted of ambition. Those who had hitherto excited, or been excited by, the people to faction, had been plebeians. Manlius was a patrician of one of the most illuflrious families : Ke had been consul, and acquired immortal glory by his military exploits, and by laving the capital; lie was, in lliort, the rival of Camillus, who had obtained two signal victories over the Gauls, and from the new birth of the city had been always in office, cither as dictator or military tribune ; and even, when he was only tribune, his col leagues considered him as their superior, and held it an honor to receive his orders as their chief. In lliort, by his own reputation, the support ol the Quintian family, and the enthuliaftic attach ment to him, he had inspired. into the nation, he ■was, in fad; and effedt, to all intents and purposes, King in Rome, without the name, but under the various titles of consul, ditftator, or military tri bune. "He treats," said Manlius, " even those " created with powers equal to Lis own, not as " his colleagues, but officers and substitutes, to " execute his orders." The ariftocratical Livy, and all the other ariftocrates of Rome, accuse Manlius of envy. They fay he could not bear such glory in a man whom he believed no worthier than liinifelf: He despised all the reft of the no bility : The virtues, lervices, and honors of Ca tnillus,alone excited his haughtiness and felf-luffi ciency, and tortured his jealousy and pride : He •was enraged to fee liim always at the head of af fairs, and commanding armies. It is certain that this pracftice of continuing Camillus always at the head was inconsistent with the spirit of the con ftitution,by which a rotation was eltablifhed, and the consuls who had the command of armies could remain in office but one year. But this is the na ture of an ariftocratical aflembly as well as of a democratical one: Some eminent spirit, alfifted by three or four families connected with him, gains an afcenclency, and excites an enthusiasm, and then the spirit and letter too of the constitu tion is made to give way to him. In the cafe be fore 11s, when Camillus could not be consul, he mult be military tribune ; and when he could not be military tribune, he mult be dictator. Manlius is charged with envy, and with vain speeches. " Camillus could not have recovered " Rome from the Garb if I had not laved the ca " pitni and citadel." This was literally true; but ariftocratical historians must brand the cha racter of Manlius, in order to depress the people, and extol and adoie that of Camillus, in order to elevate the senate and, the nobles. But there js no fo'id reason to believe thai Manlius envied Camillus, more than Camillus and the Quintian family were both envious and jealous of Manlius. The house upon the capital was what the Quin tian family could not bear. The truth is, an ariftocratical despotism then in Rome, and opprefied the people to a cruel degree ; and one is tempted to fay, that Manlius was a better man than Camillus or Cincinnatus, though not so secret, designing, and profound a politician, let the torrent of ariftocratical hiltory and philofopliy roll as it will. There were two parties, one of the nobles, and another of the peo pie: Manlius, from superior humanity and equi ty, embraced the weaker ; Camillus and the Quin tii, from family pride, like that ofLycuigus, do mineered over the llronger party, of which they were in full polieffion. Manlius threw hiuifelf hito the scale of the people ; he entered into close intimacy and fti ii. If we apply to the farmer, tradefinan or labourer for cafli, they have mighty little of it, and 'tis hard for them to raise the neceHary sum ; but 'tis matter of com mon course with the merchant, through whofc hands the great current of circulating cajh pajfes ■, he will consider the tax as part of the ifirft coll of his goods, and set his price and fell accordingly: It matters little to him, whether he payshalfthe coftofhis goods abroad, and the other half at home, or whether he pays it all abroad, his ob ject is to get the whole out of his sales, with as much profit to liimfelf as he can. 111. This mode lays the burden of tax on that kind of consumption, which is excessive and hurtjtd, and lejfens that consumption, and of course menis the trcon'.uiy, and increases the induflry and health if the people. For'tis plain, that no more money will be paid for the goods taxed, than would have been paid for the fame kind of goods, had they not been taxed : The difference is, the fame mo ney paid for the taxed goods, will not buy foma ny of them as before the tax; because the tax will raise the price of them ; and when the consump tion or use of such goods is excelT-e and hurtful, this leflening of it is a benefit, though the fame money is paid for them as before, for the fame reason that 'tis better for a man that happens to be at a tavern with excessive drinkers to pay his whole share of the reconning but drink less than his share of the liquors, and go htm: sober, than to pay the fame reckoning, drink his full fhjre of the liquors, and go home drunk< 'Tis always better for a man to buy poison and not use it, than to buy the fame poison and use it; in the one cafe he loses nothing but his money, in the other cafe he loses his money and health too. For the fame reason 'tis better for a reaper to drink half a pint of rum in a day, than to re»p for the fame wages and drink a quart of rum. This reasoning will hold in its proper degree, with refpetft to every kind of consumption, which is excessive and hurtful. (To be continued. NATIONAL MONITOR.-—No. VHIT" " A disposition to complain, creates cause of complaint." 1 ROM the earheji periods of hifiory, mankind have been as tenacms J the right to criminate or find fault, as if their happiness was tiff bar ably connected with tt—whereas nothing is perhaps r.ore certain, than that those nils of which they complain the loudefi, often cm their exijler.ee to a fpmt of repining. 7he world has kept its ufuai course from age to age, " feed time and harvejl, day and night, summer and winter, have not ceafed"—*axd then " i/'l r < a fon to juppofe, that the order oj the natural world, will he continued, until the final consummation of all things. —To con p Jin then oj providence, that its arrangements do notfuit our particular conventency, u impious, is absurd. I he jate tj mankind we may very fairly conclude, has not receivedt melioration oj its condition from thefpirit as complaint—and the moral world owes vety little of its improvement in virtue and benevolence,» that temper oj mind which leads us to rail againjl the tines. <>r is the political world any more indebted to this ungratefulpropenj ty. 7he circumflances of a free country are often brought to a very cri tical ft tuetion, through the injurious exercise of this right to crimnaU the conduEl of public cfficcrs. —Perhaps no people upon earth have mart creative imaginations, are more jealous, and impatient, than the citizen* of America.— Jealousy has been denominated a political virtue—but Sue jealousy of fame perjoas is, by its ejfetls, a mean, pitifulfufptciin— derogatory to the dignity of human nature—and difpifed by every inde pendent mind which is made the fubjeEl of its attack. —If otir Mtcipt" tions are beyond the probability oj nature, the conference aiillbe dif'i >• pomtmert—in such cafe, crimination should begin at home. —Wemaybt impatient in waiting to realize our cxpeflations ; but this impatience will add to our chagrin when the moment arrives of a total defeat to our unreasonable desires. U fi'% ex P a great deal of gratification from any thin} dsno mm is so perfectly majler of his own measures, as to be able to provide jor every contingence, so disappointments withrefpeH to theJ"'- C( J S °f those under the direction of our civil rulers, should be ficbm'tti to without complaint, when there appears to be anhorefy of princip c. It maybe ajjerted with confidence, that an intemperate indulgence to* Jptrit of complaint, with refpeti to our civil rulers, will produce' fjt very evils which we fear,by difcouragingthe wife, the virtuous, and'' - pendent from taking any part at public hje—This will open the tua\forJ" r p as have no charatlerto lose: Who,white they plunder,abufe and opprifi people,will alike contemn their complaints, and their J Publi/hedby~JOHN FENNO, No. 9, TSaTpen - Laws, near the Ofwe§o-Murke(, Nsw-Yy&K.—*"■!