THE DAlLiT- my EN1NG TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1308.-
SPXItlT OF THE TRESS.
EDITORIAL OnRIOHS Or THB tKADlHO JOURNALS
CPOK CCHRRHT TOPICS COMP1LRD BVKBT
BAT FOR TBB BTBWIHO TELEGRAPH.
The Lopal-Tender Act a Necessity.
From the If. T. Timet.
The Journal vf Commerce has to often dlfl
crAeed the constitutionality of this question
that we should anppoae it might state with
tolerable? precision toe ground upon whioh it
Stands..' But, although we said, in reply to Its
attack upon tbia act of Congress, that It was
Buppoited on two grounds first, that it had
been found to be "necessary and proper" to
carry into effect the powers involving peon
Diary expenditure, specifically granted to Con
gress lor purposes of war, and, second, that it
waS a reasonable and well-known means to
the end whioh was sought to be accomplished
the Journal persists in stating that we had
hinged its constitutionality upon the former of
these grounds only .
We also stated that the measure became
thus legal, inasmuch as the money fabricated
from the precious metals had been persistently
expelled from the United States, in conse
quence of the prevalence of small bills all
over the Union.
A candid and intelligent examination of the
effect of the universal habit of the country to
treat such bills as the representatives of
money from a very general preference of them
to coin as a thing to carry in the pooket and
use in daily transactions must lead to the
conclusion that in a war of great magnitude
the precious metals cannot be commanded in
SufQuient abundance for an unusual expendi
ture. The pockets of the people are the de
positories of. nearly as much, if not more, of
the circulating medium than is collected
together in banking institutions, and when
this amount consists of gold and silver, it
might constitute a sufficient fund, with the aid
of what is deposited 4n banks, to justify the
Government to rely upon it in war. Canada
sow holds a considerable share of our small
coins, while the people jft the United States
hold the paper promises to pay them in the
ehape of stamps. The only coins whioh now
ciroulate in the Atlantio portion of the United
States are those (one, two, three, and five
cent, pieces) which have been degraded below
the standard for other coins. The latter cir
culate here because they will not ciroulate in
countries whioh keep up their standard to the
recognized footing.
How, suppose the United States shall be
Involved in another war during this state of
the finances, to what extent would the Govern
ment be justified in adapting its peouniary
measures to the present financial condition ?
If it should call for the "constitutional cur
rency," what else would flow in but niokel
delicately touched with silver f Gold and
silver in abundance for our wants oould not
be obtained. Must the nation for that reason
Submit to be annihilated, or may it not for its
preservation from destruction adapt its pecu
niary measures to the circumstances whioh
exist f If it can do so now, when our flnanoes
are debauohed with paper descending to frac
tional amounts, it oould do so then, when they
were so debauched with small bills, down to a
dollar, that the expulsion of ooins of that mag
nitude and above was as certain as the expul
sion of our fractional coinage beoame by the
issue of fractional currenoy. If the Govern
ment is ever to conduct war on the basis of
the "constitutional currenoy," the event will
have been preceded by a loog course of expe
rience in the opposite direction to that in whioh
We have steadily travelled from the very origin
of our Government. It will take years to
establish the pre-eminence of the precious
metals as a circulating medium.
The mode and manner of carrying into effect
the powers of the Government must ever de
pend on the circumstances of the time. The
Constitution contains only the great outlines
of authority, and it is left to Congress to choose
the means "necessary and proper" to effectu
ate the object, with no other limit than that
they shall be reasonably conducive to the end,
and not against any constitutional restriction.
This rule has been laid down frequently by
the Supreme Court, and it seems olear that
the cage in question comes within its operation.
m
' Reconstruction as it Stands.
From the N. T. Nation.
It is three years and more sinoe the close of
the war, and to-day we have Tennessee de
manding the aid of the United States army to
keep in existence the State Government which
represents, not perfectly perhaps, but still
tolerably well, the principles in behalf of
whioh the war was waged by the North; that
Is to say, the present State Government of
Tennessee is in the hands of men who are and
have been better lovers of the Union than of
secession, and, under its rule, the oolored citi
zens of the United States there resident are
not oppressed, but each counts for as much
politically as a white Tennesseean of equal in
telligence; yet the Legislature has just been
obliged to send a committee of its members to
Washington to ask for the support of the
Federal Government, and the request seems
so reasonable that, even Mr. Johnson feels
bound to grant it. Certainly this is a faot that
challenges careful consideration; and it will
not seem less important if we extend our view
so as to include the rest of the South, for the
case of Tennessee cannot, we think, be held to
be in any essential respeot exceptional. The
Legislature of that State has, to be sure, been
Sterner in disfranchising formerly disloyal
citizens than some, and perhaps most, of the
other Southern Governments. And not
unnaturally was this so. In Tennes
see the Rebel and the Unionist were
for years face to face in a hand-to-band
fight "for wife and life." Many of
the Tennesseean law-makers of to-day, within
the past six years, been hunted like wild
beasts, and have fjt out by night for the Fede
ral lines with their homes burning behind
th'em to light them on the way. When a man
baa been compelled to live in the woods for
days together, feeding his ohildren on parohed
corn, or not feeding them at all, and has worn
a oow-bell round his neck in order to get safely
past Rebel pickets, where he would have been
murdered without mercy ;when he has watohed
from his hiding-plaoe while his father or
brother was first whipped and then was shot,
in oold blood, by a man who, perhaps, oalled
blm by his Christian name just as the bullet
Was sent through his head or his heart, It Is
not surprising if he is slow of belief that per
sons formerly in rebellion ought to be allowed
to rule the State in whioh he lives. Whether
It was bad or good policy, it oertainly was not
At all unaccountable that Mr. Brownlow's
government should have been so harsh in its
treatment of disunionists as to deny them the
right to govern or participate in governing
their fellow-citizens.
l$u. outside of Tennessee this proscriptive
Spirit mild as it is at its worst has not been
Tery aotively at work. In Georgia, for instanoe,
nobody is disfranchised by the act of the local
authorities; the Congress of the United Btates
baa done all the disfranchising: that has been
done in Georgia. ' But what is it that we see
there, and what ia it that we may very reason
ably expect to seef The whites are in a
majority in Georgia; there is as much likeli
hood that white Georgians will be oppressed
by blaok ones as there is thtt the earth will
soon begin to revolve round the moon. Ni-1
body in the State or out of it ever said that
the twenty or thirty oolored members of the
Legislature have ever shown a tyranulcal or
cruel disposition, or that there would bs any
reason to fear them if they had, or tfrat thx
beet interests of the State could not ds pro
moted by the Legislature as it was when
elected. Doubtless there were colored men in
tie Legislature who were not over-wise. Per
haps the Legislature has not yet been een in
this or any other country which has sot oou
talned a certain number of men whose
opinions on almost any subject whatever
would be of small value. But regard 'ess of
good policy, of the local law, and, as we
think, of statesmanship regardless of every
thing but the traditionary prejudice against
negroes the majority in the Georgia Legisla
ture have just driven out of the House aud
Senate every one of the few men of color wh
had dared to be elected to seats In it. And
this is only the prelude to other things that
none of us will like so well. It is not in
tended by the Democratic majority that the
Georgia negro should oast a vote any more
than it is intended that he should bs voted
for. It is intended, in the case of eaoh negro
in that State, that the man who formerly
bought and sold him shall regulate his whole
existence, social as well as politioal; and
nothing, we take it, is much surer than that
before this time next year we shall see in ope
ration a Georgia Blaok Code not so very differ
ent from the slave laws of 1853, much as has
happened within the decade.
There are hardly two other Southern States
in which it is impossible indeed, in which it
is not probable that there will be the same
defeat of almost all the results of the war. In
Mississippi it has already taken place. Ia thit
State the most .degraded and ignorant, per
haps, of all the States of the Union it is now,
on the whole, almost as well, from the South
ern point of view, to be the employer of a
negro as it was formerly to be the owner of
him. lie is not salable now; but he cau be
kept in one's hands almost as closely as before,
and ene is almost as little responsible for the
just or deoent treatment of him. So also of
Texas, as well as of Mississippi and Georgia;
so of Arkansas; so, to a great extent, of Ala
bama. Louisiana is at peaoe beoiuse of the
presence of Union soldiers, and for no other
reason; and we ourselves think that if we ex
cept Is'orth Carolina and Florida whioh latter
is so small as hardly to be oountei, nothing
better could be said of the South generally
than that it seems sure that the negroes will
Boon be rednoed to a condition not very far
removed from their old condition, and that in
most towns south of Tennessee no white man
who is not a believer in a "white man's gov
vernment" is going to be allowed to live in
comfort or eafety.
If nothing worse were to happen than the
social ostracism of the Northern men who have
gone to the South, the matter would still be
lamentable enough. On account of the dis
couragement of immigration, an immense traot
of the national territory would be condemned, for
a generation or two longer, to lie half-inhabited
and . half-cultivated by a comparatively un
civilized people more or less barbarous mas
ters and serfs. But if we may judge by the
course taken by Georgia, the oa'raoism of
Northerners at the South is no, to be all that
we have gained by the war. We are, as we
have said, to have, besides that, the virtual
enslavement of the negro population. We
have not yet heard any suggestion of a way to
prevent Georgia's proceeding as far as she
likes and we know how far that is in the
way upon which she has entered. She has
declared negroes ineligible to office, and so they
may be under her constitution; but whether
they are or not. who is to say no to her Legis
lature f Nothing hinders her deolaring negroes
incapable of voting. Nothing, we imagine,
short of a United States army, or, possibly the
fear of one, can hinder her from taking her own
course in all respects. We have made the
mistake of letting the South slip from the
grasp of military power before we could be said
to have honestly completed the work of recon
struction. It may have been neoessary to take
that erroneous course. Perhaps if we hal not
done ill, we should have seen the Democrats in
power doing worse. We can congratulate our
selves on having at least attempted to do our
duty by the people whom we freed from their
masters and the people whom we freed from
their slaves on having done something towards
bringing the South into conformity with the
customs and laws whioh regulate society
among the more civilized nations. Bat it is
not to be denied that, as regards this work, we
seem to have attempted rather than to have
succeeded. The state of e flairs in Georgia and
Tennessee is such as may well make us doubt
whether, between the two stools Restoration
and Reconstruction, we have not fallen to the
ground have not had all the trouble and
anxiety of trying to make a new South, aud
have not, after all, unconditionally, or all but
unconditionally, readmitted the old South
the South in which Andersonville was possible,
the South of slave-laws, of dense iguorauoe,
of social and political tyranny, whose very
virtues are the virtues of a time . that is gone
by, and in this age are for the most part vioes
that help to keep a people out of the current
of progress.
If this be so and we do not know on what
theory Georgia (exoeptso tar as we oan keep a
Federal police there, and strengthen it to any
desirable extent) is less her own mistress
than Tennessee is, or New York, or Massa
chusetts then a heavy responsibility is laid
on the Republican party. To do anything
towards preventing the full consummation of
the plans of the present generation of South
ern politicians and statesmen, it will be neoes
sary that the Republican party should keep in
power. A present success of the Democratic
party means, of course, a restoration of the
Union as it was. Four years more of Re
publican administration, aud a Demooratio
suoteBB will mean something better than
that, but not what will even then be
needed a supervision by the enlightened
and unprejudiced part of the country
over the rest of it a surety on the part of all
men in the South, loyal or disloyal, that be
hind the governments now established there
is the irresistible force of the nation at large.
Republican success is lor the present oertain,
we suppose; but it has been endangered, and
eat.ll' may be endangered again. We hope
for much from the next four years, but we
must watch warily, or lose all that has beeu
gained.
Democrats In the War
From the Button Pout.
Among the unjustifiable assumptions of the
radicals, none has been more false thsu the
assertion that the ranks of the Federal army,
during .the war, were almoBt exclusively filled
by members of th'elr party. Here in Massa
chusetts, the very hot-bed of their growth and
the point of their numerical strength, the first
three companies that reaohed Boston in re
sponse to the Governor's call were composed
principally of Democrats. Captain Dike, a
Democrat, and the son of a Democrat, was noti
fied at midnight, at Stoneham, that his "com
pany was wanted in iioston, ana it was on
Boston Common at 11 o'olook the next
morning. Major Watson, of the 6th Rsgl
ment, who gallantly led his men through
the mob in Baltimore, was a prominent Demo-
crat, as were most of his followers. One of
the earliest companies to volunteer was a
Demooratio' company from New Bedford.
Captain Devereux, ot Salem, was a Dsmoorat,
and a large portion of his men were Democrats.
General Guiney says the 9th Regiment was
composed entirely of Democrats. Colonel
Burrill was a Democrat, and a majority of his
regiment entertained the same politiotl
opinions. In Nims' Battery nearly every
man was a Democrat. General Butler says
there were not three hundred -Republican
voters among the six thousand men he en
listed to follow htm to New Orleans. Among
the Demooratio officers whose commands were
also largely composed of Democrats, were
General Cowdiu, Colonel - Parker, Major
Wilder, and many others. When Major
Wilder was called upon to suppress the riot in
this city, he was ready for duty in less than
two hours after notice, and did his work
faithlully.
But a few weeks ago Dr. Loring reoeived a
merited rebuke from General .Suhouler, Presi
dent of the Grant Club at Lynn, at a Republi
can meeting there. Loring, like Charles
Sumner, oalled the Demoorats Rebels, and in
the course of his remarks appealed to General
Schouler to confirm his allegation. The Gene
ral said in response, "Ue had been a Republi
can from the start, and did not come into the
party after the war was over; that he could
not endorse the remarks of Loring; that
Demoorat as well as Republican hal volun
teer d for the defense of the Union; that
Democrat as well as Republican lay side by
side on every battle field of the South; that
Democrat as well as Republican had returned
to their homes worn and disabled by the war;
or lay side by side in every graveyard in New
Ksgland; and that he, for one, would not ao
quiesce in the slanders that had been heaped
upon them." The General, as Adjutant of the
State during the war, knows as well as any
citizen in it the character of the men who
filled the ranks of the army from Massachu
setts, and is too honorable to indorse the
calumnies of grovelling recreants who fawn
for thrift before the power of radicalism, and
abuse their old associates to ingratiate them
selves into favor with those they deem ready
to reward scandal with promotion. In oivil
action the Demoorats were as prompt in sus
taining the war as the radioals. Governor
Andrews said, in addressing soldiers, that the
heart of all Massachusetts beat in sympa
thy with his words, from the shores of Cape
Cod to the hills of Berkshire. Party spirit
was allayed, political differences were for
gotten. The lion. B. F. Uallelt, Democrat,
and the Hon. Edward Everett, Republican,
addressed the same meetings. Mr. Northend,
Democrat, in the Legislature moved to pro
vide for the discipline and instruction of
a military force and to aid fami
lies of volunteers. Governor Andrew com
missioned officers without regard to their poli
tics. Henry Wilson said ue recommended
citizens tor commissions without thinking of
their party. The law authoriziog the issue of
seven millions of State scrip to sustain the
war was voted for by every Democrat iu the
Legislature. General Schouler, in his history,
says the people of the State were a unit in
support or the war. The Hon. II. L. Dawes
publicly complime'nted the Democratic press
for its supported of the war. The Democratic
State Committee in 1801 expressed themselves
as decidedly in favor of energetically prose
cuting the war as did the Republican Com
mittee. The Hon. J. U. Clifford, Republican,
President of the State Senate, 18b'2, said,
"Already have gallant sons of Massachusetts,
native and adopted, of every class and condi
tion, and holding every variety of opinion
upon controverted questions of policy . and
principle, marched as a band of brothers to
the field to uphold the onmuiun 1K or to fall
in its defense." The lion. Caleb Cushing,
Demoorat, in calling the House of Representa
tives to order, as the senior Representative,
same year, called upon its members to dedi
cate themselves, heart and soul, "to uphold,
to re-establish and perpetuate our sacred and
beloved Union." Mr. Bullock, President of
the Republican Convention, 1862, said, "all
were agreed in the proseoution of the war."
So in the private walks of life, the Demo
crats were as active and their families in
sustaining the war for the Union, iu every
manner in which the humanity and the pa
triotism of citizens were indioated, as any por
tion of the community; faots more numerous
than we have space to here enumerate con
clusively establish this. In the midst of the
war the Democrats nominated a General in the
field as their candidate for Governor; after the
war they nominated another General who
nobly distinguished himself in the war, and
who was selected, at the olose of the great
contest, to present the worn and stained battle
flags of the State to the Governor to be pre
served in the archives of the Commonwealth.
The President ial Content Wendell Phillips
and the Women's liights Women.
From the N. T. Herald.
Some twelve months ago, among the Repub
lican party leaders and managers, apprehen
sions were entertained that Wendell Phillips,
with his radical abolition faction on negroes'
rights, and Miss Susan B. Authony and Com
pany on women's rights, including the right
of suffrage, would be apt to make some mis
chief in this Presidential campaign in a third
party movement against the Republican candi
date, and especially in the event of General
Grant's nomination.
The platform of Phillips on negroes' rights
embraced first, the proposition of "Old Thad
Stevens" of Some "mild measure" of Southern
confiscations, whereby the freedmen might be
provided each with a homestead of forty aores
of land and a mule to work it; and, secondly,
universal negro suffrage, North and South, by
act of Congress. He had no hope of these
things from the Fortieth Congress, and but
little hope in the Republican party. He had
no faith whatever in General Grant, and subse
quently the developments of the impeachment
trial excited his especial wrath and vengeance
against Chief Justice Chase. Sinoe the Chi
cago Convention Phillips has become less vio
lent in his philippics, and is much less con
spicuously before the publio than he was last
winter. In fact, in almost disappearing from
the publio eye he has been almost entirely
overlooked in the excitements of this canvass.
We had anticipated a third party in this fight,
on an independent negroes' rights and women's
rights platform, under the direotion of Phillips
as chief engineer, and it is somewhat remark
able that no such party ticket or platform is
ia the field.
The Republican party at Chioago made a
regular back down on negroes' rights in de
olaring that while compulsory universal negro
suffrage by act of- Congress was a good thing
in the South, it was best to leave this matter
in the North to the discretion of the several
States. Next, in regard to women's rights not
a delegate or volunteer appeared in the Chi
cago Convention, and not a word was said
upon the subjeot. Moreover, the constitutional
amendment, artfcle fourteen, the work of the
Republican party, provides that suffrage
throughout the United States may be extended
to all raoes and oolors on the universal princi
ple, but that it shall be limited to males above
the age of twenty-one years. Thus on negroes'
rights, as advooated by Phillips ani his radical
abolition faction, and on women's rights, as
advooated by Miss Susan B. Authony, George
Francis Train and Company, the Republican
party baa utterly failed in the nomination of
General Grant to come up to the raark.
And- how is It with the Democracy f In
their nominating Convention at Tammany
Ii all they gave our fellow-oltiiens of Afrioan
dercent pretty clearly to understand that the
fundamental idea of the Demooratio party ia
that this is "the white man's government,"
while on women's rights they laughed and
shouted, and yelled and screamed in their
uproarious mirth over Miss Anthony's peti
tion, as if they thought it the funniest thing
in the world and the riohest joke of the sea
son. What would have happened had Wen
dell Phillips, in behalf of the bluck man, and
Miss Anthony, in behalf of the white woman,
appeared in the Tammany Convention, arm
in arm, there ia no telling. In all probability
Horatio Seymour would have swooned in a
flood of tears under Wade Hampton's denun
ciations of the radical outrage. At all events
there is but little comfort to be found for
Phillips or Miss Anthony, the women or the
negroes, in the Democratic ticket or platform.
How is it, then, that the radical abolition or
negroes' rights party of Phillips, combined
with the women's rights party, have no tioket
of their own in this contest f Is the philan
thropic proposition of forty acres of laud and
a mule to every freedman in the South given
up f Is the grand idea of universal femnle suf
frage abandoned ? We think not. Had the
Democrats boldly taken up the advooaoy of
universal suffrage to white women as a safe
guard against universal negro suffrage, the
whole face of things In this canvass might
have been changed. But the failure of the
Demoorats to seize their golden opportunity
does not end the agitation. As neither Phil
lips nor Miss Anthony, however, have any
thing in their peouliar line of business pro
mised from either of the two great parties of
the day, and as it would be a waste of labor
to attempt now to get up a third Presidential
party of any aooouut, we dare say that Phil
lips and his politioal guerrillas and Miss An
thony and her women's rights women have
agreed to let this Presidential contest go by
default, but are determined to take the field
early for the campaign of 1872. They doubt
less expect that General Grant will be elected,
that under his administration the whole busi
ness of Southern reconstruction and restora
tion will be definitely settled, together with
the money question, and that then will be the
time for a tremendous political revolution in
behalf of a general division of property all
round among all raoes and all oolors, free
farms, free markets and free love, aud univer
sal female suffrage and women's rights.
Uadical Treatment of the South.
From the A. Y. World.
Macaulay, somewhere in his history, draws a
spirited aud impressive contrast between the
retrospective sentiment excited by the Eng
lish wars in Scotland and the English wars
in Ireland. Since the absorption of Sootland,
that country has been treated by Eagland
with a wise magnanimity which has obliterated
all hostile feelings, and the consequence is
that each people has long regarded with
sympathetic admiration the deeds of valor
performed by the other when they were spill
ing each other's blood. The heroism exhi
bited by both sides is thrown into the com
id on stock of national glory. Burns' patriotic
songs are read with as thorough enjoyment by
the people of the southern part of the island
as by the descendants of the "Scots wha ha'
wi' Wallace bled." Walter Scott describes
with as keen a zest the valor and oonduot by
which his ancestors were defeated and made
to run like . cowards, as if every throb of his
pulse were ' not that of an ingrained Scotch
man. But the Irish poet Moore, though a
far lacs iiiteDB Irluhoaau than the great noTol-
ist was a Scotchman, would sooner have cut
off his right hand than have written a stanza
celebrating the prowess of the Eoglish forces
in any of the Irish battles. Every engage
ment on Irish soil is still a fountain of exaspe
ration to IiiBh feeling. The memory of Bag
lish valor perpetuates hatred but rouses no
admiration. The consequence is, that the wars
of two centuries ago contribute io the bit
ter alienation which makes the Irish question
to-day the most difficult problem in British
politics.
The Democratio party is aiming to treat the
South, since the olose of the war, as England
has treated Sootland; to respeot its looal feel
ings and prejudices, to enoourage its trade, to
build up its prosperity, and efface the unplea
sant memories of former quarrels and contests.
The Republican party, on the other hand, is
treating the South as England has treated
Ireland; forcing npou it institutions it abhors,
exasperating its local prejudioes, repressing its
development, and domineering over it with all
the insolence of conquerors. If the Demo
cratio party succeeds, the South will be our
Scotland; if the Republican party, it will con
tinue to be our Ireland. In a oountry like
England, where there is a state religion, it
would seem consistent and logical that the
national church should be upheld in
every part of the empire. But Scotland
was wisely left to worship aooording to her
own preferences, and was permitted to retain
her own jurisprudence; while an opposite
eyttem in Ireland has kept that oountry in a
state of chronio irritation and ill-suppressed
mutiny. The Republican party is more
absurdly tyrannical towards the South than
the English Government has been towards
Ii eland. What language would be strong
enough to portray English despotism and
insolence, if, instead of attempting to ioroe
upon Ireland the Episcopal Church whioh
England adopts herself, she should use her
power to force the Methodist or the Baptist
religion which she rejeots f What would be
said of the tyranny aud folly of England
if she should undertake to foroe the
Roman Catholio religion upon Sootland
while she enacts laws against it at home ? But
this scarcely conceivable folly would be
similar to what the Republican party is per
petrating in the South. Negro suffrage, which
is rejected and scorned in the North, where the
negroes are few and it would do little harm,
has been forced upon the South, where the
negroes are numerous and the danger great.
A more flagrant inconsistency, a more exaspe
rating insult, cannot be imagined. If we are
going to force upon the South anything whioh
the booth detests, we should at least have the
apology of its being something whioh we do
not ourselves rejeot. No insolenoe oan be
more insufferable, no hypreorisy more odious,
than to be apostles and propagandists of a
system in whieh we do not believe, and to
resort to persecution and the sword to oompel
people to do what we have shown by reoent
examples that we soorn to do ourselves. And
yet this is the hopeful method adopted by the
Republicans for reoovering the alienated affec
tions of the South I
The Republicans are making the late war
the hinge of the Presidential campaign. They
invoke all the litter animosities and sectional
hatred which prevailed when we were drafting
soldiers to fight against the South. To aoouae
the Demooratio party of slackness in the war
is regarded as their best electioneering wea
pon. To denounoe the Southern people as
Rebels is thought the best justification of
the Republican policy. The subjugation aud
humiliation of the South is as much the aim
now as it was six years ago. It is not a policy
of peace, but of passion, revenge, and domi
nation. The symbol of the canvass on the
218 & 220
S. FROM ST.
4
218 & 223
S. FROHT ST.
;
10
4 i 1 t
$ CO
OFFER TO TUB TRADE, IN LOTS,
FINE RYE BOURBON WHISKIES, L BOND
Of lSOfS, 1SOO, lSOT'i tvntl 1808.
ALSO, FEIE FIRE ME AND B()lRE0N AVIIISKIES.
Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 1864 to 1845.
Liberal contract! will be entered Into for lota, in bona at Distillery, of this years' manufotor.j
Republican side is the sword. Its leader is a
man who knows no trade but war, selected
because the old feeling of hostility would
more naturally rally around him than around
a statesman or a civilian. If Virginia should
send General Lee to the Senate, or if the
Southerners in the Demooratio Convention
bad asked for his nomination for the Vice
Presidency, such a selection would be de
nounced by the Republicans as an affront to
Northern elf-respeot. And yet they put for
ward our most distinguished soldier and bran
dish his sword in the faoe of the South, as if
the Southern people had no pride or sensibili
ties which Northern insolence is bound to
consider. The effect of suoh management Is
to make the memories of the war a source of
perpetual irritation between - the two sections;
to cause the South to regard itself as a subju
gated and persecuted people, threatened with
still further humiliations if the Republican
party suooeeds. Perseveranoe in suoh a oourse
will make the Southern question as endless
and irritating in this oountry as the Irish
question is in Great Britain, and will keep
open perennial fountains of bitterness in all
the battle-fields of the late war.
How Not To Do It.
from the W. T. Tribune.
Everybody has heard ef the unfortunate ad
venturer who drew in a rattle an enormous
elephant, with an appetite corresponding to
its proportions. The acquisition of this beast
would have been exceedingly delightful to its
new proprietor, only he could not afford to
keep it; and could neither sell it nor give it
away. The Demooratio ex-slaveholders seem
to be mostly in this perplexing predicament.
They would like hugely to have the oolored
vote for Seymour, but, even if it were to be
had for the asking, their attempts to ask for
it are ludicrous in the extreme. Under the
circumstances this is not an easy thing to do;
there being a great deal of human nature in
the bosom of the Patriarch, some of it is apt
to get into his mouth, and his experiments in
adjusting his organs of speech to seek for
favors from his late bondmen result pretty
often in the most remarkable contortions.
The endeavors of the ex-masters, in this de
partment of publio. duty, to hit the exaot line
between the most sublime condescension and
the friendliest familiarity, give to all their
addresses, and speeches, and leading articles
the same duality of tone whioh characterized
the vocal organs of Mr. Orator . Puff. These,
as the reader will remember, were sometimes
to "B alt.," and instantly sunk to "G below."
Good Loid," be exclaimed In bis be and-sbe tones,
Hep me outt litlp me ool! X bave Droaonmy
bvBtal'
'Heipyaont," said Faddy who pasted; "what a
briber!
theia'iiwo of ou ther.: can't yon belp one another?"
The conBequenoe of this extensive vocal
register is that these Southern Demoorats
sometimes sigh, and sometimes swear; some
times, by way of suitable gesture, they snap
the fingers of those hands whioh anon are
raised in the attitude of petition; now they
are ferocious, and now fasoinating; and so they
go on vibrating between threats and promises,
until the puzzled freedman, finding it impos
sible easily to deoide whether they are friends
or foes, will hardly give them the benefit of
the doubt. That blacks should vote at all,
they hold to be an insufferable grievance; but
if blacks must vote, let it by all means be
upon their side 1 The vote in suoh inoa
pable hands is utterly worthless unlessjjthey
can secure it then, indeed, it becomes
at once and incalculably precious. In a
word, if they can convert voters into moral
slaves, to do their bidding, to sustain their
opinions, to become their unquestioning and
convenient instruments, all will be serene and
they will be content. On the other hand, a
ireedman who trill not vote for Seymour is a
rascal, an idiot, an ingrate, a lunatio, an in
cendiary, and a knave I So they offer him
glasses ot rum and eleemosynary breeohes,
houses and employment, groceries and boots;
but if these blandishments are disregarded,
the Patriarchs relapse into the old fury, and
threaten nakedness, hunger, houselessness,
and every other form of the most fearful des
titution. These vibratory emotions we have already
pointed out as exhibited in all their beauty in
the "Address of the Demooratio white voters
of Charleston to the oolored voters of the State
generally" a document excessively smooth
and saccharine in spots, but which ends with
a promise of "wretchedness and ruin" to all
blacks who are base enough to cast a Republi
can ballot. Of oourse, the animus of such a
production is logically evident. The expres
feton of hatred is always more sincere than the
wheedling of an affected interest, and men do
not bully those whom they are anxious, from
a disinterested motive, to persuade. These
past-patriarchs must learn to control their
tempers a very difficult thing for them to
leain if they would convince the freedmen
that Seymour is their warmest aud most trust
worthy friend feeling for them, praying for
them, planning for them by day and affec
tionately dreaming of them by night. The
freedman may not be learned in Amerioan
politics, but a bitter experience has sharpened
his faculties of observation, as they would
have been sharpened if he had beeu no more
than a mere animal, and he knows well
enough that he might have waited long indeed
for his liberty of voting, or for liberty of any
description, If he had waited for Horatio Sey
mour to undertake, in the dark drama of the
day, the benevolent part of a Moses. Ue
knows that the men who talk thus smoothly
to him have ten thousand times announced to
the world that his bondage was perpetual,
that it arose from the nature of things, that
it was based upon the Holy Scripture, was
established under the Old Idspensation and
confirmed under the New, and was as perma
nent and immutable as Christianity itself.
He knows he knew long ago that he was
purposely kept in a condition of ignorance
and degradation. He vuows, text and
margent, the whole of the old slave code,
for the commentaries upon it were constantly
written in blood and soars upon his baok.
He understands alike the cursing and the
coaxing, lie estimates at their full value
the temptations which are extended to him;
and if Le is frightened into apparent acquies
cence for a mordent, he will ere long, by the
force of instinct, reason himself back to a just
comprehension of the situation. Any class of
tueu would, under the same circumstances, do
this; but these freedmen will be specially
helped and kindly enoouraged, and, if neoes
sary, their rights will be sternly defended
should they be cruelly and Inequitably assailed.
They know that they have friends; they know
who they are; and it is the consciousness that
they know this, and will know it better day
by day, whioh rouses the impotent wrath of
Southern Seymou rites and ocoasions all the
idle talk about "soalawags" and "carpet-baggers"
which is the burden of half the "Demo
cratio" speeotes in those regions. Is it to be
for an instant supposed that the ignoble tim
idity of which the Southern Demoorats are
making a display discreditable to human na
ture will promote their interests, selfish and
shameful as those interests are ?
There was but one prudent policy for them
to pursue, and they have avoided it with
childish absurdity. They might have been
consistently humane; they might have recog
nized frankly the real rights of the emanci
pated; they might have mastered the passions
of hatred and revenge which the failure of the
Rebellion has left smoldering, and addressed
themselves with cheerful and hearty alaority
to the wise arrangement of their solial rela
tions. Then the presence of the black popu
lation would have occasioned no unmanly em
barrassment, nor would they have been driven
to the expedients of a discreditable and un
availing duplicity. They would have been
saved from fawning and flattery on the one
hand and from cowardly menaces upon the
other. They have chosen a different course;
but while they pursue it they settle nothing,
adjust nothing, advance no real prosperity of
the South, remove no private prosperity of
their own from jeopardy. One position or
another they must ultimately accept. They
must recognize the human and natural rights
of all, without the least fraudulent reserva
tion, expressed or implied, without the smallest
unjust limitation, or they must lose the little
hold upon the oolored population whioh the
Rebellion has left them.
WINES, ETC.
JAMES CARSTAIRS. JR..
Nos. 12C WALNUT and 21 tiRUITEfifo.
IMPORTER OF
Brandies, Wines, Uln, OHre Oil, Etc, Etc,
AND
COMMISSION MERCHANT.
JOB THB SAXB OF
TCEE OLD RTE, WHEAT, AND DOUE
103 WHISKIES. 4 ,
LUMBER.
186a
BPRUCE JOIBT.
SPRUCE JOlsri
H KM LOCK.
HEMLOCK.
1808.
1 R(Q eBeowitjj clear piwi. 77T
186a fftS&!!tittS2& 186&
DJLL.AWAKK i'LOOHlUQi
ABH iXOOiUNar
,JW AlJiUl JTLOOJUXO.
FLC'BJUA BTht iJOABJe.
- ' toAHi PJANK.
1868. tiS.8i&i81ZtsZ iqqs.
WALMUT FLANK,
1868. SMifeSafflg:-186a
WALML'T ABiJ PIWB.
1868. 1868
WHITE OAKLgn B0ABD8.
bPAJSlrixi CHJDAK BOX WUARDB
sTllU I.A I V llFVWOi
1868.
1 fififl ' CAROLINA feCANTLINU. ToTTT
i86a jiKffla-. !"
VX A rt r n ... ZZ ' I Tm
Ml
Mfi DAjdi U.I i m i.. . .
T. P. GALV1N & CO
LUMBER CCiYWSISSION MERCHANT8
SHACKAMAXOJf SlliEET WUAlaF,
BELOW SLOAP8 MILLS,
(se-OAlXKO), PHILADELPHIA,
AGJtNTS FOB SOUTHERN AND KAHTKHN Mann
lecturer. Of YILLiajW iUNJS tua&uVtMTlhLBMlu
BWAKD .to., .hali be ht py w Vrde a
woolMale rau. fleu v arable at any aooo.lole port.
CoimauHy receiving auU on iiaud TuVSh.rf
ill OF Wli CM WIU BB DIUriBBO
AT AMY f ABTIiriHE CIT rUOJHrTX.r,
""JJNITEJ) BTATiS BUILDERS' WILL,"
Nos. 24, 2C, and 28 S. FIFTEENTH St.,
PHILADELPHIA.
ESLER & BROTHER,
MAkuFAcitraKas or
WOCD MOULDINGS, BRACKETS, 8TAIB BALTJ8.
11.BS, BEWAI L POBTd, GENERAL TORN
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thla oily oopg'anvl oo baud , g m
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GAS K I X. T TJ R K a
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dwBli iu.. and public buiisiuea, a,.a at tTiadVoexiiutf,
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W
I L L
1AM b. (J u a n t
r tAJii Sr. It-Hli 1 HI i. u,i il .
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AUaNT yon
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