New Theatre.
THIS EVENING, December it,
Will be presented,
A COMEDY, called
The Road to Ruin.
Dornton, Mr. Warren
Harry Dornton, Mr. Cooper.
Sulky, Mr. L'EJlrangt
Silky, Mr. Francis
Goldfinch, Mr. Harwted
Milford, Mr. Fox
Smith, Mr. Barley, jun.
Tradesmen, Mitchell, Morgan, See.
Sheriffs Officer, Mr. IVarrell
Jacob, Mr. Blijfett
Marker, Mr. Worrell, jnn.
Postillion, Mafler IVarrell
Mrs. Warren, firft titne, Mrs. Qldmixon
Sophia, Mrs. Merry
Jenny, Mr,. Francii
Mrs. Ledger, Mrs. Doflor
To which will be added, «
A FARCE, called
The Iriftiman in London.
Captain Seymour. Mr. Fox
Mr. Frost, Mr. Francii.
Mr. Callooney, ' Mr. Darley, jun.
MurtOch Delar.y, (with t Ceng in character)
Mr. H r arren
Edward, Mr. Harnvood
Cymon, Mr. Blijfett
I.cuifa, Mrs. Harvey
Carolint, Miss UEJlrange
Cubba, Mrs. Francis
On FRIDAY the Tragedy of
The Orphan ;
* Or, The Unhappy Marriage.
With a New Ballet, composed by Mr Bjrrn, called
THE B O ITQJJ E T :
In which will be introduced, th» favor A
TAMBOURINE DANCE.
. & The French company of Comedians, having been
JionorecL with confiderabtc applause on their firtl appear
ance, will perform again on Saturday Wxt, and every Sa
turday, until further notice. Particulars will be express
, tdin future Bills.
gjT Box, Offe Dollar twenty-five cents. Pit one Dollar.
And Gallery, half a Hollar.
igT Tickets to be had at H. & P. Rice's Book-store,
No. 50 High-street, and at the Office adjoining the
Theatre.
Places for the I}°*" to be taken at the Office in the.
front of the theatre, from 10 till i o'clock, and from
lo till 4 on the days of performance.
FIVAT RESPUBLICAI
111 ' I r
Pantheon,
AND RICKETTS's AMPHITHE ATR.E.
Corner of Chefnut and Sixth-ftreeti.
For Equsstrian and Stags Performances.
THIS EVENING, Wednesday, Dec. 21.
"Will be presented the following entertainment*, viz.
HORSEMANSHIP,
by the Equestrian troop.
A Comedy, in two A&s, called,
The Lying Valet.
(the Lying Valet) Mr. Chambers
Gayjefs, Mr. Jones
Jtiftice Guttle, Mr. Dnrang
Bea* T rippet, Mr. Tompkins
Diek, Mr. Sully
MelifTa, Miss Robinson
Mis. Gadabout, Mrs. Durang
Mrs. Trippct, Mrs. Tompkins
Kitty Pry, Mrs. Chambers
A COMIC DANCE, called
The Dwarff; or,
The Warsaw Wonder.
A §ong ky Miss Robinson.
In the course of the evening, a Duet by Mr.
•nd Mrs. Chambers.
The whole to conclude with the Grand Pantomine of
Don Juan ; or,
The Libertine Dejiroyed.
This Day is Pnblifhed,
Porcupine's
POLITICAL CENSOR,
For NOVEMBER, 179 6.
CONTAINING
OBSERVATIONS
On the Insolent and Seditious Notes,
(Attacking the ftvereignty and independence of the
United States J
Communicated to the People, by the late French
roinifter, ADET.
I>ecember »i. * IW
CAUTION.
WHEREAS very large and heavy dsbti are justly
dbc and owing from theft s. Blair M'denachan and
Patrick Moare, of the chy of Philadelphti, merchants,
trading un-ler the firm of Blair M'denachan and P.
Moore, and from Blair M'Clenachan in his separate
capacity; to which, by the laws of the.land, all the
joint as well as separate property of the said Gen'le-'
men, is, and ought to be, liable. And whereas
it is clearly and fatisfa&orily ascertained, that mr.
Blair M'denachan, of the said firm, has conveyed
away to mr. John H. Hujlon, his foil-in law, to his
daughter, miss M'denachan, and to his son, George
M'denachan, several large and valuable real eftatcs,
as well as confidrrable personal property, in the city
and county of Philadelphia, in the county of Lancas
ter, in the county of New-Castle on Delaware, and
elsewhere, with a view, as it is apprehended, to de
feat the Creditors in the recovery of their juA debts.—
This is, therefore, to forewarn all persons whomso
ever, againflthe purchase from the said grantees, or
cither of them, of any portion of the said l eal or per
sonal property, as the most vigorous measures will
wit!#'it delay be taken to render the fame liable to
thejvft demands of" the Credirors.
By order of the Creditors.
Thomas Fitzjfmons,
Philip Nick/in, I
Jfaac Vharton, r Committee.
Wiiliam M'Murtrie, 1
Samuel IV. Fi/her, J
Philadelphia, December jjth, 1796. scth.J
CONGRESS or the UNITED STATES.
HOUSE ©» REPRESENTATIVES*
W-cdnefday, December 14.
Continuation of the delate on the ad'dreft in anftacr
to the President's fpceeh.
Thursday, December ly
Mr. Amrt said if any man were to call himfelf
more free and enlightened than bit fellows, it would
be considered at arrogant felf-praife. His very de
claration would prove that he wasted sense as well
as modesty, but a nation might be called so, by a
citizen of that nation, without impropriety; be
cause, in doing so, he betiows no pvaife of superi
ority on himfelf, he may be in fail and may be sen
sible that he is less enlightened than the wife of o
ther nations. This fort of national eulogium may,
no dotibf, be foftered by vanity and grounded in
mistake, it is sometimes jyft, it is ccrtainly com
mon and not always either ridiculous or offenfive.
It did not fay that France or England had not
been remarkable for enlightened men ; their literati
are more numerous and diftingu'ifhed than our own.
The chara&er with refpeft to this country, he said
was ftri&ly true. Our counttymen, almost uni
versally, possess some property and some portion of
learning, two diftin&ions so remarkably in their
favor as to vindicate the expreflion obje£led to.
But go through France, Germany, and most coun
tries ef Euiope, and it wiiuld befpundthat out of
50 millions of people not more then two or three
had any pretentions to knowledge, the reft being
comparatively with Americans ignorant. In France,
which contain# 25 milliors of people, only one was
calculated to be in any refpeft enlightened, and
perhaps under tne old system, there was not a great
er proportion possessed of property; whilst in A
merica, out of four millions of people, scarce any
part of them could be elaffed upon the fame ground
with the rabble of Europe. That class called vul
gar, canaille, rabble so numerous there does not exist
here as a clafi though our towns havu many indi
viduals of it. Look at the Lazaroni of Naples
there are 20,000 or more houseless people, wretch
ed and in want ! He # asked whether, where men
wanted every thing, and were rn the proportion of
29 to J, it was possible rhat they could trusted
with power. Wanting wisdom and morals how
would they use it ; it was therefore that the iron
hand of defpntifm was called in by the few who
had any thing, to preserve any kind of controul
1 o»er the many. This evil, as it truly was, and
which he did not propose to commend, rendered
true liberty hopeless. . In America out ot four
millions of people the proportion which cannot
read and write and who, having nothing, are inte
rested in plur.dtr and cortfufion and disposed for
both, is small. in the fouthcrn states he knew there
were people well informed, he disclaimed all design
of invidious comparison ; the members from the
fou:h would be more capable of doing justice to
their constituents; but, in the cartei n dates, he
was more particularly convetfant, and the
people in them could generally read and write, and
were well informed as to public affairs. In" such a
country liberty is like to be permanent. It is pof
fible to plant it in such a foil and reasonable to hope
that it will take root and flourifh long as we fee it.
But can liberty, fueh as we understand and enjoy,
exist in societies where ike few only have property
and the many are both igaorant and licentious.
Wat there any impropriety, then, io faying what
was a fadt I At it rcfpe&s government, the decla
ration is ufeful. It is refpe&fu! to the people to
speak of them with the justice due to them, as e
minently formed for liberty, and worthy of it.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) on a
former occasion had said he adored the people ; but
now when there was a wish to pionounce thf;.attri
butes of his divinity, he was not found snore fer.
vent in his adoration than many who had made no
such profeflioD. If they are free and enlightened,
let us fay so—is they are not, he should no longer
adore them ; they would not certainly be worthy
of honors quite divine. Mr. Ames said they ought
not only to fa} this because it was true, but because
their faying so would have the effect to produce
that felf-refpeft which was the bed guard of liber
ty, and most conducive to the happinefsftf society.
It was ufeful to /hew where our hopes and the trne
fafety of our freedom arerepofed. It cheriftied in
return from the citizens a just confidence, a spirit
of patiiotifra unmixed with foreign alloy, and the
courage to defend aconftitution that a people real
ly enlightened knows to be worthy of its effortt.
If the words were e'bjeftionable, it would be ea
sy to alter them to avoid the objection without im
pairing eflcntially their force. A gentleman nfar
him,had funnelled the propriety of faying we were
" among the freed and most enlightened." He
had no objedtion to the alteration, though he saw
no reason fer altering the phraseology. The citi
zens of a free government ought, he said; to be
lieve they were the most free and enlightened, be
cause, having the power of making' the govern
ment what tln-y plc-afe, if it were not the belt, ft
would be their own fault fer not making it so.
He believed the house would not be surprised, if
he took notice of what had been said in illulion to
him in the course of the debate—allusions with
which he could not be offended, bccanfc they were
urged with so many expreflions of the most flatter
ing civility. But every gentleman would believe
those things were not applicable to him, as their
recolle&ions would not fail to prove. What had
been his language with refpeft to Great-Britain ?
Did he fay we were to submit ? Did he fay we
were not 10 defend onr country ? .Was he then a
fraid as they were now, that foft words would not
be foft enough ? No ; such language came not
from him. Do nothing to irritate ; wage no war ;
no hostility. Such he called sequestration and o
thei a&s of that nature. We were, h« faid,about
to make war on British property, and that such a
war would have been considered as an open war.
He therefore wished to shut ourselves up in our (hell
like a tortoise. But, at the fame time, he recom
mended troops to be raised, ships to be built, taxes
to be laid, sad a spirited claim «f justice to be
urged. The £cntletr?n who wiflieJ at ihat timS
particularly to preserve peace, did not wilh to h»ld
eut the olive branch alone, by leaving the country
defencel'efj. This many their oppoferf abfo
iutely did. These, he said, were their reasons, and
they had been effectual. He wauld net go into an
examination of the fubje£t now. It was their wilh
to urge every exertion of the country, to have cal
led forth the last dollar and the lad man in defence
of the country in cafe of necessity. Did this look
as if they-wifhed to truckle te Great-Britain ? Ma
ny of their *>ppofers, so Kealous then for retalia
tion and reprisal, were not for any thing else—
neither troops, (hips, taxes nor treaty. This the
yeas and nays op the journal will eftab'lifh. Will
the oppofer3 (hew half the spirit now that we felt
and expressed at that day ?
How happened it t he asked, .that gentlemen
were so angry beea'ife they had then heard the lan
guage of pence, and tow because the fame lan
gtwge was held ? Not one of us desire hostility.
Was it becaufc Great-Britain was then the ebjedt
and France now. Wrongs from the former cannot
berefented enough, and wrongs and insult too from
the latter require words of more ardor than a lo
ver's. No man Jclt more for the wrongs of Ame
rica than he did. But, was it not the part of dig
nity and prudence to endeavour to obtain restituti
on for those wrongs rather than take up arms. But
was it suited to national dignity to make use of the
language that had been uled on that occafmn by
many of his oppofets, he thought both national
and p'erfonal dignity forbade it, he had thought it
equally intemperate and unbecoming.
Did not gentlemen seem to feel more for one in
dividual than foran insult on the nation and
its government. The administration might fuffer
contumely and abuse, and the country too with
out producing any emotions in the breads of gen
tlemen ; their feelings Teemed to take quite ano
ther dire&ion ; if# British minißer should outrage
our government as the minifterof France had done,
every one would be for avenging the wrong. Ai d
ha thought it right that they Ihould now declare
their determination «f supporting the executive in
the fuppott of our national honour and dignity, or
let him fee in season that he was to be abandoned.
The gentleman from S. Carolina (Mr. Harper)
had jnftly said, that though we had no navy to flip
port our pretentions, we had yet come off better
lhag Sweden or Denmark—countries which had
beeft produced as patterns of wisdom. Though he
did not suppose the British treaty would be carried
into effedt, so as to fatisfy every person who had
fuffered in his property by the British, yet hetruQ.
ted, tiie event would prove in a degree
fatisfaftory. He wished all other depredation on
our commerce might be in the end as nearly com
pensated.
At the time when government was pursuing her
negociation, we were cmbarraffed with Spain, with
the Indians and with the Western people. On the
f»a our citiiens were fuffering in their property.
The British treaty was therefore made under disad
vantageous circumstances. It was not a little ho
noiabltf to the government, and truth would in time
procure the universal assent to it, that we have saved
our peace, recovered our territory, and made pro
vision for the reparation of the spoliations.
It fcemed as if gentlemen could never fay enough
on the fubjeS of the British treaty aod of Great-
Britain. The bank, treasury, and other topics ef
declamation, which were formerly always tn order,
seem to be almost forgotten. Was this the way,
he aflced, in which they meant to recommend to
the citizens the due refpedl for the adts of a majo
rity of that house and of congress. If they think
this the belt way of answering the endt of govern
ment and of producing confidence and harmony
amongst tho people, they did vtell. The means ap.
pearcd difprogortiened or rather ftfangely oppofiie
to that end. He was of a different opinion. He
thought, and it was with due seriousness of delibe
ration he declared the people were called upon to
chufe between them ; between those who wished to
fuppor; government, and those wlie avowed so tin
feafonffile and so excessive a sensibility to a foreign
intcrert and foreign nation ; between those who con
demned the infuiu offered to the government and
those who seemed to approve them ; those who
thought the experiment of oar government had
succeeded aad thole who were bound in consisten
cy with their own assertions to fay it was to be n
bandoned with difgult and in despair. He was of
opinion they could not go on as tbey were ; and
the people could remove the evil by chufing ;hofc
who would he better agreed—the people free
and enlightened, would have no difficulty in chu
fing between them. Both fottsof men ought not
to be there; rither those who like the government
are in the right or those who .lifpute, revile and des
pise it. The people would he joubted not, judge
tight. He wished the appeal to be raada without
delay, and so solemnly at to make it effedhisil.
Mr. Christie said he was not afraid of offending
any nation ; but he did not think we were the molt
enlightened, and theiefore he was unwilling to fay
so. If -the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Parker)
would permit him to amend his motion, he would
move to have inserted after the word " freed'' and
" among the most enlightened.'' \
Mr. Parker cojifented.
Mr. Swanwitk thought- the amendment had
great advantages ; but he thought the word
" among" should come before, instead of after
" freed" because, notwithstanding all that had pas-
I kd, rxtthing would tend more to preserve the peace
of the country, than the treating of others with
refpeft.
Mr. Christie objefled to Mr. Swanwick's prepo
fitioH, because he believed we were the freed, but
not the most enlightened nation.
Mr. Coit thought the present was an idle difputc
about words ; and that instead -of a feflion of thiee
months, they should require sne of twelve to do
the necefTary business, if they proceeded in this
manner. He wiihed the proposed alteration might
take place, amongst the freeft, &c.
Mr. Oilet could not help observing that the gentle
man from,s. Carolina ( Mr. Smith)* had brought for
ward an example from the pradice of the French,
which he seemed to expedl to have great force, as if a
precedent from that country was t6 have influence
here> If the gentleman thought it was to have any
tffv 1 * K'f ipin'oti', fie tell Jiim ni wr»
ttaftifcen. He ihould think for himi 't, and neither
be guided by the French government, or any man in
France. Indead the vaunting itileof the French wis
one of thole things which he liketi the least iu that
country. The gentleman from Maflachnfetts ( Mr.
Ames) had insinuated that he ( Mjr.Ciles) no lander
adored the peeple, because lie declined to call them
the freeft and most enlightened. He would tell that
gentleman that he thought as highly ot tne people as
he ever did ; and that he waspleafed with the pictur;
which Mr. Ames had drawn between the lower elide*
of Europe and those of this country ; but tho' he tho't
highly of their enlightened state he did not think it
necessary to tell the world we were the freeft and me£
enlightened. Mr. Giles did not think the diftin&iou
which Mr. Ames had drawn between a nation calling:
itlelf the most free and enlighened, and an individual
calling hmfelf so, was well supported. However if
the house were determined to use.the exprefißbn, he
should fay no more on the fubjedl.
The gentleman from Maflachufetts ( Mr. Ames)
had spoken of individuals being opposed to govern
ment. He wifiied to have this matter rightly under
stood. If Ae gentleman meant by government all the
branches as organized by the conftituion he would
fare him he wasafirm friend to it; but if he callt<i
the Executive alone, the government, in diftiniftian
from the other branches, he might think it neceiTiry
to be some times oppefed to that ; for though he be
lieved this to be a part of the government, he could
never consent to have it called the government.
Mr. Giles diftiked extremely, any intimate connec
tion betwixt this country and Great Britiin, notwith
standing pecuniary advantages might arise from futh
a connexion ; for there was something in the connee
tion it felt, tint would outweigh all -partial advantage#
which could be derived from it. What, said Mr.
Giles, is our prcfent fitnation ? The President's com
munication was far from agreeable, and some mtm
bers of that house had received information from Pal
is which was still more alarming. France he said, ws»
the most powerful enemy we could "ontend with, at the
only one that could affect* otir territory. She had it
also in her power effeflually to deftroy,our commerce.
Ought we, then, he asked, to felicitate' aurl'elres upon
this situation of things ? The gentleman ( Mr. Ames)
had yesterday said, we were 011 the eve of a war, and
called upon them to cotne forward, and to fay what
they would do. If these were the eff.-ils of a wife and
firm negociation with Great Britain, he lamented
them, at most calamitous.
Mr. Giles concluded with obftrvii.; that hefelt the
fame adoration for the voice of the people that he had
always done; and he trufled no raan could chi.-gr
him with having acted contrary to that sentiment, or
with even making a declaration which did not arise
from feeling or conviction. He should r.at cuke tnj
farther attempt to «lt;r the address. When it came
into the house, he doubted not gentlemen would have
an opportunity of (hewing their difapprobatioti by vot
ing against different parts, or against the addret* is
toto. He (hould vote against the thin altogether.''
Mr. Dayton ( the Speaker) said that some 'of the
observations which lud been brought into the prefVnt
debate were of too delicate a nature to be commtrmi
upon or even repeated, h: should not therefore folldw
who spoke last in his enquiry how far
this country wasexpe<9ed to be annoyed by France in
the poflfible, though happily not probable, event of a
rupture with that country.
As to the word* "freed and most enlightened"
which were more immediately the fubjed* of difcut
(ion, he did nut object againijl them od the groin,J
of fact, but he eonfidered the exprcflton as revolving
itfelf into a question of decorum and deliescy, the
rules ms which appeared to him to be violated, in
their ascribing to themselves such n superlative pre
ference (however true) in a companion with every
other people. The amendment of the gentleman
from Maryland (Mr. Christie) very much foftened
the termi and rendered them m»re palatable.
Some remark* had fallen trim the gentleman
from Maflachufetts (Mr. Ames) which were irre
lative to the fubjedt, And Mr. Dayton could have
wished had been therefete omitted. Had he con.
tented himfelf with challenging any member to point
out a single mllaiice ofinconfiftency in him and pur
sued the fuhjeft no farther Mr. D. said that hi*
r?fpe£*and friend/hip for the gentleman from Maf
fachnfetts would nave indueed hjm to be silent, but
when that gentleman had wantonly gone out of hi»
way to bring into view and arraign the policy of
tertain energetic measures which were at a former
session contemplated to coonterjftthcencroachment»
of Great-Britain, he felt himfelf called upon to take
some no.tice of them. Those measures, and seques
tration in particular had" been on a former occasi
on aficrted, and now again unneceflarily repeated,
to have been intended as acts of hostility. Is it
then (enquired Mr. D.) an aft of hostility Amply
to lequefter, or in wotda to attach and to
arrell and detain in thie country the property of
the Brjjilh nation as a pledge orfeeurity for the in
demnification ps the citizens of the United State*
against the depredations of that nation, and is it no
adt of hostility against this couptry to have their
property not merely frqueftered, but condemned,
conMfqated and wafted by the cruizers, fubjedts, go
, vernment and courts of that nation. ..Such, he wa*
lorry to fay, had formerly been the reasoning and as->
fertion of the gentleman from Maflachufetts. The
United States must not sequester, for it was wa. t
but the plunder and confifcation of the property of
our citizen, was not to be termed hostility, but «ai
only ground for negociation. If , t \we ppflible
for tint gentleman to reconcile that ftWking i»eon
nlrcncy, he mtght then free himfelf from the impu
tatiou. x hat he himfelf had advocated all the en
ergetic measures which were proposed on a former
Critical occasion in that house, was, Mr. Dayton
said h,, r e and his boa ft. He then thought,
and he (hU thought, that if they had been carried
into effed., the lituatiou of this country both as it
re, P cfted the indemnification of our fellow.citizena
who had been plun&red, ,nd our commercial and
political connedhon with Great-Bntain would be
tar more favorable than it could be said to be at that
moment.
£ Debate to be continued. J
Tuesday, December 20.
A letter was received'from the secretary of state.
ineiofing the annual report of the director of the
m,:it. flu, report was very long, and propefed
means of tendering the eftablifWnt lefg expei,five
and more produdtive, one of the principal of which
was that the depofitore of bullion (hould not have
the, lame advantages as heretofore, but be char?ed
with deficiencies on account of the inferior qualify
o. theiT.+iulhoßy and either ejtpences attendiie- rh»
coining of As a neeeffity for «hi» regulation^