FEBRUARY 9, 1962
CONGO CRISIS -
By MR. ROBERT EPLER
Since the summer of 1960, the pronunciation of
names such as Adoula, Tshombe, Lumumba, and Giz
ehga has caused consternation among American
statesmen, news commentators, students, and other in
terested citizens. These people have dusted off their
atlases in search of Aruwimmi, Katanga, Ituri, Tumba,
and Itimbiri. To many, the current Congo difficulties
have been a revealing lesson in contemporary politics
and geography—their first brush with a remote corner
of the globe. A few, who had dug deeper than the daily
papers and weekly news periodicals, were surprised to
discover that Congo crises are nothing new and that
their great-grandfathers were showing considerable
concern over the Congo's problems back in the 1880's!
While the Congo question of that day did not bear
the grave international implications that are present in
that area today, the economic and political fortunes of
several major powers were involved and feelings ran
quite high for some time. Even the United States man
aged to view the situation with some alarm and became
involved to an unusual extent, considering the basic
isolationist policy contemporaneous to that era.
Through the first seventy years of the nineteenth
century, there was little European interest in sub-Sa
hara Africa. The British, Spanish, French, and Por
tuguese already possessed sizeable holdings but
showed no enthusiasm for expanding them. This apa
thy was to dissolve rapidly under the impact of the dra
matic accounts of the journalist-explorer, Henry M.
Stanley, After his successful search for Dr. David Liv
ingstone in 1871, Stanley gained worldwide fame
which aroused much frantic interest in the Dark Con
tinent. Stanley himself returned to Africa to locate
the Congo River's headwaters and make the tortuous
journey to its mouth on the Gulf of Guinea. With their
appetites for empire heightened by Stanley's adven
tures, several European powers set out to carve huge
chunks of mysterious Africa into additional colonies.
By the end of the century, all Africa was under colonial
administration with only two exceptions—-Liberia and
Abyssinia (Ethiopia).
Seeing the great economic possibilities, Belgium's
King Leopold II called an international conference of
explorers, geographers, and various technical experts
to meet in Brussels. Out of this meeting came the
African International Association with Leopold at its
head. An American, Henry S. Sanford, whohad served
as minister to Belgium during the Civil war, was on the
executive committee. The A.I.A. dispatched Stanley
to Africa for yet another expedition. This time, his
task was to make treaties of cession and protection
with native chieftains. By 1883, the A.I.A. had
changed its name to Internationa! Association of the
Congo, had created its own flag (a single gold star on a
blue field), and had established forty-five "missions"
jn the Congo under more than a hudred agents.
While the I.A.C. operated under the guise of a
private organization, several interested nations were
HIGH ACRES COLLEGIAN
- - - 1880 STYLE
suspicious of its motives and envisioned a vast Belgian
grab of land. France immediately sent its noted ex
plorer, De Brazza, to survey north of the Congo River.
Portugal revived ancient claims to the river's mouth
and sought British backing for its stand. Other nations
—Germany, Italy, Spain, and the United States—sent
ships to the Congo on various pretexts. The American
vessels were instructed to make harbor soundings and
to seek "a healthful site for commerce."
As the private domain of the 1.A.C., the Congo
lacked any true legal status and was ripe for the en
croachments of neighboring colonial powers. Leopold
and Sanford realized that the only way to preserve
their holding was to have the I.A.C.'s sovereignty re
cognized by an important power. Which one would it
be? Without much hesitation, the I.A.C. looked to
the United States as its savior. Stanley's popularity,
the earlier experiment in Liberia, America's expanding
economy, and the possibility of using the Congo as a
haven for freedmen headed the list off reasons for
possible American sympathy.
Sanford sailed home to conduct and intensive lob
bying campaign. His persuasive techniques met with
considerable success. President Chester Arthur urged
American recognition of the I.A.C. in his annual Con
gressional message of 1.883. In May, 1884, such recog
nition was granted and aan American William
Tisdel, who nad gained some fame as an explorer of the
Amazon Valley, was sent to the Congo. Most of the
European nations followed America's precedent within
the following two years. The United States of America
saved the International Association of the Congo!
Many problems remained. Jealous eyes were still
being cast toward the Congo and disputes between
colonial powers were cropping up in other parts of the
continent, in an effort to solve such disputes and also
to preserve his own nation's claims, Otto von Bismarck
of Germany called an international congress to meet
in Berlin, November 15, 1884. The United States was
invited and an observer, John A. Kasson, minister to
Germany and an avid imperialist, was appointed by
the Department of State. His instructions specifically
limited his role to one of observing and of discussing
a few non-controversial topics. However, Kasson's
penchant for empire prompted him to overstep the
bounds of his instructions and to sign the final declara
tion of the congress. This statement solidified the
Congo's status and set up rules for the settlement of
übsequent African disputes.
American reaction to Kasson's signing was general
ly unfavorable. Such action was not in accord with the
traditional policy of non-intervention in European af
fairs. A Congressional committee rebuked Kasson's
conduct. Most of the press indicated similar dissatis
faction. The new American president, Grover Cleve
land, urged the Senate to withhold ratification of the
Berlion Congress' declaration. Cleveland's advice was
taken and America's active interest in the Congo affair
came to an abrupt halt.
(Continued on Page 4, Qolumn 3)
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